/ 

THE HISTORY 

OP THE 

GREAT INDIAN WAR OF 1675 AND 167ft 

COMMONLY CALLED PHILIP'S WAR. 

ALSO, 

THE OLD FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, FROM 1689 TO 1704. 

BY THOMAS CHURCH, ESQ. 

WITH NUMEROUS NOTES AND AN APPENDIX, 
BY SAMUEL G. IJRAKE. 

REVISED EDITION. 



ffee unexampled achievements of our fathers should not be forgotten 

Washington. 



H. DAYTON, PUBLISHER, 

No, 36 HOWARD STREET. 
1860. 



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THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



f 



V^hurch's History of'" King Philip's War," &c 
was first published at Boston, in 1716, in quarto. It 
was reprinted in Newport, in 1772, in octavo. I have 
never met with a copy of the first edition, therefore 
I copy from the second. This is now very scarce 
and rarely to be met with. It is however preserved 
in some private libraries in the old colony, in the Athe- 
neum at Boston, and other literary institutions there 
and elsewhere. 

The lamentable manner in which Hutchinson in 
his History of Massachusetts passed over the Indian 
wars, causes us much regret, and a desire to catch 
at every thing that can give any light upon them. He 
is particular in relating the witch affairs of the co- 
lony, but when we have followed him into Philip's 
war, being led at first with interesting particulars, 
he stops short and says, " It is not my design to enter 
into every minute circumstance of the war." But 
does not tell us why. This is the more to be la- 
mented, as his means were more ample for such his- 
tory than can now be had. 

In 1825 I published a small edition of this history, 
containing however but few additions to the old, 
which being immediately taken up, occasioned the 
early appearance of this. In an early period it was 
designed to publish the work as it now appears. Ac- 
cordingly many valuable papers and rare works had 
betin collated, but not used in the first edition, on 



IV THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

account of the magnitude and early promise of the 
work. 

The papers had been much forwarded previous to 
the Courtstreet fire, of 10 November, 1825, in the 
time of which a trunk was stolen, containing many 
of the manuscript notes, relating particularly to the 
biography of the principal persons that figured in 
the Indian wars. These in many instances I could 
not restore, which is very much regretted ; though 
not more than my want of information on subjects 
in general. But a consciousness is felt, that some- 
thing though small, is redeemed from oblivion, which 
will be thought valuable by posterity. 

Of such gentlemen as have had the opportunities 
of many years to examine the history of our country, 
together with every advantage from access to all pub- 
lick and private documents, I have every indulgence 
to ask. 

In regard to the accurate performance of the work, 
I can only observe, that a scrupulous regard to 
accuracy has been paid ; yet, errours may have 
been committed, but in no case inadvertently. And 
as our most authentick historians have failed in many 
of these points, perfection will not be expected in me. 

The same indulgence for the commission of literal 
errours, as for others, is solicited, though the excuse 
for such cannot be so good ; but if every thing be found 
simple, and easy to be understood, my chief aim is 
answered. For so " all historical memoirs (says Dr. 
Colman) should be written." In a number of parti- 
culars I have deviated from common usage ; but in 
n^ne without good reasons, and to me satisfactory. 
As one instance it is observed, that compound names 
of places, in general, are written like simple names. 
For this deviation from general custom, no apology 
will be expected of me, as it has been proved to be 
preferable by a writer of great eminence.* 

*Joel Barlow, Esq. See his Columbian" oxinted 1S07, 
Philadelphia, 4to. 



fHE EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

In correcting the text, superfluous words are some- 
times left out; but this [ — ] sign is substituted, and 
the word or words omitted are given in the margin 
included by the same marks. When a word is al- 
tered, it is also included in brackets, and the word 
given in the margin as it stood in the original, and 
included in the same way. All words, presumed to 
be wanting, are inserted between brackets without 
reference to the margin, and are by the present editor. 
All notes included by the parenthesis were by the 
former editor, and attached to the old edition. 

I should take it as a great kindness, should any 
person communicate to me any information where it 
is presumed to be wanting in the notes to this work ; 
or point out any errours in what is already done, that 
future editions may be more perfect. 

It being the particular design of this edition to 
render it uniform and consistent with respect to ar- 
rangement and " originality" of expression, few lib- 
erties have been taken with the composition ; few in- 
deed, unless pointed out as above expressed. In 
some instances however, some connective particles 
have been dropped and the signs omitted. But in 
such cases what is omitted was superfluous tautology. 
Therefore the reader may be assured that the text is 
correctly copied. From the present appearance of 
the work, its former erroneous composition is too 
easily discovered ; yet it is some consolation, that in- 
numerable errours have been detected, and general- 
ly, inasmuch as the design of the subject would.admit. 

It was thought advisable to accompany the work 
with an Appendix, wherein something new, or of later 
date might be given, as young persons generally 
prefer new things to old. It was rather difficult to 
make the selection for this part, not for want of ma- 
terials, but because they were so numerous ; and so 
many seem to deserve the same attention. But the 
articles are authentick, and as interesting, it is pre- 
sumed, as can be found. 



VI 



THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



As there are different editions of ma ly \,7 the au 
thors cited in this work, for the convenience of re- 
ference, a table, containing the chief of them, is 
here given. 





Title 


Author 


Where print- 
ed 


When 
i705 


No. of 

vok 


| Form j 


American Annals 


A Holmes 


Cambridge 


2 


8 vo 


lAmerican Biography 


J. Belknap 


Boston 


1794,1798 


2 


8 


American Biography 


W. Allen 


Cambridge 


1309 


1 


8 


Annals of Newengland 


T. Prince 


Boston 


1826 


1 


8 


Antiquarian Researches 


E. Hoyt 


Greenfield 


1824 


1 


8 


| Annals of the Revolution 


J Morse 


Hart lord 


1824 


1 


8 


1 History of America 


W. Roheitson 


Philadelphia 


1821 


2 


8 


E History of Connecticut 


B. Trumbull 


Newhaven 


1818 


2 


8 


1 History of Massachusetts 


T. Hutchinson 


Salem 


1795 


2 


8 


| History of Maine 


J. Sullivan 


Boston 


1795 


1 


8 | 


| History of Massachusetts 


G. R. Minct 


Boston 


1798,1803 


2 


8 


1 History of Maryland 


J. L. Bo/man 


Baltimore 


1811 


1 


8 


| History of Newengland 


J. Winthrop 


Boston 


1825, 182f 


2 


8 


I History of Newengland 


H. Adams 


Boston 


1799 


1 


8 


| /History of Newengland 


Morse & Parish 


Charlestown 


1804 


1 


12 mo 


History of Newhampshii e 


J. Belknap 


Phil.ii Boston 


1812. 1813 


3 


8 vo 


History of Newyoik 


W. Smith 


Albany 


1814 


1 


8 


History of Pennsylvania 


R. Proud 


Philadelphia 


1797, 1798 


2 


8 


History ol Norlhcarolina 


H. Williamson 


Philadelphia 


1812 


2 


8 


flistoiv of U. States 


B. Trumbull 


Boston 


1810 


1 


8 


History of Vermont 


S. Williams 


Burlington 


1809 


2 


8 


Hist. Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 




Boston 


from 1792 


20 


8 


Hist. Col. N. Y. Hist. Soc. 




Newyork 


1811 to 14 


2 


8 


Hist. Col. Newhampshire 


Farmer & Moore 


Concord 


1 822, 3, 4 


3 


8 


Hist. Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. 




Concord 


1st in 1824 


1 


8 


Humphreys' Woiks 


D. Humphreys 


Newvork 


1801 


1 


<l 


Wagnalia C. A. 


C. Ma. her 


Hartford 


1820 


2 


8 


Nar. ol Indian Wars 


W. Hubbard 


Brattleboro. 


1814 


1 


12 moji 


Newengland Biography 


J. Eliot « 


Boston 


1809 


1 


8 vo I 


iNewenglanil's Memorial 


N. Morton 


Newport 


1772 


1 


8 


Newhampshire Ga/.etteer 


Farmer &. Moore 


Concord 


1823 


1 


12 mo 


Sum. Hist. Mass. bay 


W. Douglass 


Boston 


1749 


2 


8 vo [ 


[Travels throughout N. A. 


J. Carver 


London 


1781 


1 


8 I 


Wonders Invisible World. 


R. Calef 


Salem 


1796 


1 


12 mo 

12 ! 


|Wars of Newengland. 


S. Penhallow 


Boston 


17261 


1 



In addition to the above list, many works have 
been consulted, but the assistance from them has 
been smaller. Some of the most important are Hub- 
bard's History of Newengland, Stiles' History of the 
Judges, Whitney's History of Worcester, and the 
Histories of several of the southern states. The free 
use I have made of every author's works is amply ac- 
knowledged in the notes. Reference is made to some 
late editions of works in preference to the first, not 
only as they are more uniform, but because they will 
now be oftener met with. But in most cases such 



THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. Vll 

have been compared with the originals. To two 
works in particular, it was thought most advisable ; 
namely, Penhallow's " Wars of N. England," and 
Prince's Annals. The first of these is now reprinted 
in the I Vol. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. Col., which, 
though not so perfect as it might have been, is, on the 
whole, a work to be prized. A handsome edition in 
octavo of the valuable Annals was published last 
year, by Messrs. Cummings, Hilliard, and Company. 
Boston. Though this is not exactly reprinted, yet, no- 
thing is altered, that I have met with, but for the bet- 
ter ; and, excepting a few typographical errours, is 
splendidly executed. 

Having already drawn out my preface to too great 
a length, the whole is submitted without any apolo- 
gy. And the publisher takes this opportunity of 
giving his grateful respects to all his patrons, and 
with pleasure subscribes himself, their much obliged 
and sincere friend. 

SAMUEL G. DRAKE. 

Boston, 2 January, 1827. 



ADVERTISEMENT TO EDITION OF 1845. 

The present edition of this work has been revised and 
corrected in several places, by comparison with mere re- 
cent publications of high authority; some obsolete and 
objectionable words and phrases have been changed, and 
typographical and other errors of the earlier editions cor- 
rected. It is hoped that so authentic and valuable a 
contribution to the Indian History of our country, will 
find a place in every Library, and the interesting personal 
narrative of Col. Church will doubtless engage the attention 
of the reader in the careful perusal of the whole work. 



[The following is an exact copy of the title page 
of the old edition.] 



THE 

ENTERTAINING 

HISTORY 



KING PHILIP'S WAR, 

WHICH BEGAN IN THE MONTH OP JUNE, 1675. 
AS ALSO OF 

EXPEDITIONS 

MORE LATELY MADE 

AGAINST THE COMMON ENEMY, AND INDIAN REBELS, IN THB 
EASTERN PARTS OP NEW-ENGLAND: 

WITH SOME ACCOUNT OP THE DIVINE PROVIDENCE 
TOWARDS 

COL. BENJAMIN CHURCH: 

By THOMAS CHURCH, Esq.. his son. 

SECOND EDITION. 
BOSTON : PRINTED, 1716. 

NEWPORT, RHODE-ISLAND *. REPRINTED AND SOLD BY 
SOLOMON SOUTHWICK, IN ^UEEN-STREET, 1772. 



TO THE READER. 



J_ he subject of this following narrative, offering it* 
self to your friendly perusal, relates to the former and 
later wars of Newengland, which I myself was not a 
little concerned in: For in the year 1675, that unhappy 
and bloody Indian war broke out in Plymouth colo- 
ny, where I was then building, and beginning a 
plantation, at a place called by the Indians, Sog- 
konate, and since, by the English, Little Compton. 
I was the first Englishman that built upon that neck, 
which was full of Indians. My head and hands were 
full about settling a new plantation, where nothing 
was brought to; no preparation of dwelling house, or 
outhouses, or fencing made; horses and cattle were 
to be provided, ground to be cleared and broken up ; 
and the utmost caution to be used, to keep myself 
free from offending my Indian neighbours all round 
about me. While I was thus busily employed, and 
all my time and strength laid out in this laborious 
undertaking, I received a commission from the go- 
vernment to engage in their defence : And with my 
commission I received another heart, inclining me 
to put forth my strength in military service : And 
through the grace of God I was spirited for that 
work, and direction in it was renewed to me day by 
day. And although many of the actions that I was 
concerned in were very difficult and dangerous, yet, 
myself, and those who went with me voluntarily in 
the service, had our lives, for the most part, wonder- 
fully preserved by the overruling hand of the Al- 
mighty from first to last ; which doth aloud bespeak 
our praises : And to declare his wonderful works ii 
our indispensable duty. 



X TO THE READER. 

1 was ever very sensible of my own lit leness, and 
unfitness to be employed in such great services. But 
calling to mind that God is strong. [ endeavoured 
to put all my confidence in him, and by his Almighty 
power, was carried through every difficult action; 
and my desire is, that his name may have the praise. 

It was ever my intent, having laid myself under a 
solemn promise, that the many and repeated favours 
of God to myself and those with me in the service 
might be published for generations to come. And 
now my great age requiring my dismission from ser- 
vice in the militia, and to put off my armour, I am 
willing that the great and glorious works of Almighty 
God, to us, children of men, should appear to the 
world : And having my minutes by me, my son has 
taken the care and pains to collect from them the en- 
suing narrative of many passages relating to the 
former and latter wars; which I have had the perusal 
of, and find nothing amiss, as to the truth of it, and 
with as little reflection upon any particular person, 
as might be, either alive or dead. 

And seeing every particle of historical truth is 
precious, I hope the reader will pass a favourable 
censure upon an old soldier, telling of the many ren- 
counters he has had, and yet is come off alive. 

It is a pleasure to remember what a great number 
of families, in this and the neighbouring provinces, 
in Newengland, did, during the war, enjoy a great 
measure of liberty and peace by the hazardous sta- 
tions and marches of those engaged in military exer- 
cises; who were a wall unto them on this side and 
on that side. 

I desire prayers, that I may be enabled well to 
accomplish my spiritual warfare, and that I may be 
more than conqueror through Jesus Christ's loving 
me. 

BENJAMIN CHURCH. 



THE LIFE OF COL. CHURCH.* 



c 



olonel Benjamin Church was born in 1639, at 
Duxbury, near Plymouth, of reputable parents, who 
lived and died there. His father's name was Joseph, 
who, with two of his brethren, came early into Nevv- 
england, as refugees from the religious oppression 
of the parent state. Mr. Joseph Church, among other 
children, had three sons, Joseph, Caleb, and Benja- 
min. Caleb settled at Watertown, the other two at 
Seconet, or Little Compton. Benjamin, the hero 
of this history, was of a good stature, his body well 
proportioned, and built for hardiness and activity 
Although he was very corpulent and heavy in the 
latter part of his life, yet, when he was a young man 
he was not so ; being then active, sprightly and 
vigorous. He carried dignity in his countenance 
— thought and acted with a rational and manly judg- 
ment — which, joined with a naturally generous, obli- 
ging and hospitable disposition, procured him both 
authority and esteem. He married Mrs. Alice South- 
worth, by whom he had a daughter, Mrs. Rothbotham, 
and five sons, viz., Thomas Church, the author or 
publisher of this history, and father of the honourable 
Thomas Church, Esq., now living in Little Compton; 
Constant Church a Captain under his father in the 
eastern expedition, and in the militia; and of a mili- 

*The life of Church was not added to the first edition.-- 
But to the second it was, and was the last article in the 
book; excepting a Latin ode of one page, which is now omit- 
ted. This life containing some prefatory remarks, it was 
thought proper to place it at the beginning of the work. 



Xll LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. 

tary and enterprising spirit ; Benjamin Church \vho 
died a bachelor ; Edward Church,* whose onl} son 
now living, is Deacon Benjamin Churchf of Boston, 
who furnishes these memoirs of the family; and 
Charles Church, who had a numerous issue. 

Colonel Church was a man of integrity, justice, and 
uprightness, of piety and serious religion. J He was 
a member of the church of Bristol at its foundation, 
in the Rev. Mr. Lee's§ day. He was constant and de- 
vout in family worship, wherein he read and often ex- 
pounded the scriptures to his household. He was ex- 
emplary* in observing the Sabbath, and in attending 
the worship and ordinances of God in the sanctuary. 
He lived regularly, and left an example worthy of 

* He was also a Captain under his father in the last eastern 
expedition. 

f Probably the same whose name is found associated with 
the venerable James Otis, Samuel Adams, Joseph War 
ren, and others, as a " Committee of correspondence 3 ' in th* 1 
memorable revolution, and to which he probably belonged 
when he wrote this account of the family. See American 
Annals, II, 300. Also the standing which he appears to have 
maintained among the fraternity of Masons, speaks his emi- 
nence. 

fWhat is here said of the Colonel, is placed after his son 
Edward, by a writer in Farmer and Moore's Collections ; 
where this account appears to be copied. It must be an er- 
rour in the copyist, and one, too, which it required some pains 
to commit ; not but that the son (for aught I know) deserved 
as high encomiums, but we have no right to bestow such 
upon the son, at the father's expense. But thus much were it 
intentional. 

§ Rev. Samuel Lee, the first minister of Bristol, R. I. He 
was born in London, 1625, came to this country in 1680; 
but in two or three years came to the conclusion to return to 
his native country. Before he sailed, he told his wife that 
he had discovered a star, which, according to the laws of As- 
trology, presaged captivity, which unfortunately came to 
pass. He sailed in 1691, and in his passage was taken by 
the French, and carried into France, where he died the 
same year. See Allen's Biog. 381. Dr. C. Mather repre* 
sente nim as possessing very extraordinary learning. See 
MagpaUa. Christi Americana, I, 548. 



LIFE OF COL CHURCH Xlll 

the imitation of his pop + ^rity. He was a friend to the 
civil and religious libei ties of his country, and great- 
ly rejoiced in the revolution.* He was Colonel of 
the militia in the county of Bristol. The several 
offices of civil and military trust, with which he was 
entrusted from time to time, through a long life, he 
discharged with fidelity and usefulness. 

The war of 1675, was the most important Indiar 
war, that Newengland ever saw. Philip or Meta 
cometf (a son of good old MASSASOTT,J and hisse 
cond successor) had wrought up the Indians of all the 
tribes through Newengland, into a dangerous com- 

* By William and Mary. 

f Though the chiefs of savage nations are generally called 
Kings, yet says Smith, they " have no such dignity or office 
among them." Hist. N. Y. 197. Philip, at different periods 
of his life, was known hy different names, as at first, he 
was called Metacomet or Metacom. See Morton, 171, 
172. This celebrated chief has been called by some, though 
wrongly I contend, King of the Narragansets. He was 
King or chief of the Wampanoags, or Pokanokets, the situa- 
ion of whose country will be described in my first note to 
" Philip's War." It is true that these Indians as well as the 
Narragansets themselves inhabited about the bay of that 
name, but they had their King as well as the Pokanokets, 
and were independent of each other. 

Different opinions seem to have prevailed with regard to 
this chief's pedigree; that is, whether he were a son or 
grandson of Massassoit. Prince and Trumbull inform us 
that he was his grandson; Hutchinson and Belknap, that he 
was his son. Why these respectable authors saw cause to 
differ, and not inform us, is not easy to tell. These are not 
all the authors on each side, but most readers are apprised 
of this, no doubt, before I had taken this trouble to inform 
them. 

I Prince, in his text, writes Masassoit ; but adds this note. 
" The printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit ; Gov- 
ernour Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Massasoyet ; but 
I find the ancient people from their fathers in Plymouth col- 
ony, pronounce his name Ma-sas-so-it." N. E. Chron. 187. 
However, the most preferable way seems to be Massassoit. 
Some account of the life of this constant friend of the Pil- 
grims will be found in the course of this history. 



XIV LIFE OF COL CHURCH. 

bi nation to extirpate the English It was one of 
the last works of the commissioners of the united 
colonies, (a council [in] which subsisted the great 
security of Newengland, from 1643 to 1678) to break 
up this confederacy. An army of one thousand Eng- 
lish was on foot at once, under the command of 
Governour Winslow. Whoever desires further in- 
formation concerning this war, may consult Mr. Hub- 
bard's* history of it. The part Colonel Church 
acted in it is exhibited in this plain narrative, given 
by his son, two years before his father's death. 

Colonel Church perfectly understood the manner 
of the Indians in fighting, and was thoroughly ac- 
quainted with their haunts, swamps, and places of 
refuge, on the territory between Narraganset and 
cape Cod. There he was particularly successful ; 
on that field he gathered his laurels. The surprisal 
and seizure of Anna won was an act of true boldness 
and heroism. Had the eastern Indians been sur- 
rounded with English settlements, there is reason to 
think that he would have been more successful among 
them. But on a long and extended frontier, open 
to immense deserts, little more has ever been done 
by troops of undoubted courage, than to arouse and 
drive orT the Indians into a wide howling wilderness, 

* Mr. William Hubbard, minister of Ipswich, the best his- 
torian in Newengland, of the age, unless we except Mr. 
Prince. The truth of which his works abundantly prove. 
Although some labour has been done to detract from him 
some of his justly acquired fame, yet, it does and ever will 
remain unimpaired. This would be true had he never writ- 
ten any thing but his Narrative. To his li History of New- 
england," Mather is chiefly indebted for what is correct in 
his renowned book of jargons, the Magnalia Christi Ameri- 
cana. See president Allen's Biog. Dictionary. He died 
Sept. 1704, aged 83 years. Gov. Hutchinson remarks on the 
character of him, that " he was a man of learning, of a candid 
and benevolent mind, accompanied, as it generally is, with 
a good degree of Catholicism ; which, I think, was not ac- 
counted the most valuable part of his character in the age io 
wrhich t~ lf"«d." Hist. Mass. II, 136. 



LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. XV 

where it was as much in vain to seek them, as for 
Ciesar to seek the Gauls in the Hyrcanian fore sts. 

The present edition* of this history is given without 
alteration in the body of it; being thought best to 
let it go down to posterity, (like the Periplus of Han 
no\) with its own internal marks of originality. How- 
ever the editor in the margin hath given the English 
names of places described by Indian names in the 
narrative ; and also some few notes and illustra- 
tions. 

After Philip's war Colonel Church settled ; and 
at first at Bristol, then at Fallriver, (Troy) lastly at 
Seconet. At each of which places he acquired, 
and left a Hrge estate. Having served his genera- 
tion faithfu..y, by the will of God he fell asleep, and 
was gathered unto his fathers. He died and was bu- 
ried at Little Compton. 

The morning before his death, he went about two 
miles oil horse back to visit his only sister, Mrs. 
Irish, to sympathise with her on the death of her only 
child. After a friendly and pious visit, in a mov- 
ing and affecting manner, he took his leave of her 
and said, it was a last farewell. Telling her, [that] 
he was persuaded he should never see her more ; 
but hoped to meet her in heaven. Returning home- 
ward, he had not rode above half a mile, before his 
horse stumbled, and threw him over his head. And 
the Colonel being exceeding fat and heavy, fell with 

* The edition from which this is taken. 

t Hanno was "the famous Carthaginian," who in a re- 
mote age of navigation, made a voyage into the Atlantick 
ocean, and "sailed seeking for thirty days the western parts," 
taking his departure from the pillars of Hercules (straits of 
Gibraltar.) Hence some infer that he must have discovered 
some parts of America, because Columbus did in about the 
same length of time. He wrote a book containing an ac- 
count of his discoveries, which he entitled Periplum or Peri- 
plus. See a work lettered " America Known to the An- 
cients," Dr. Robertson's Hist. America, I, i. Belknap's 
Biog. 1, 16. 



XVI LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. 

such force, that a blood vessel was broken, and the 
blood gushed out of his mouth like a torrent. His 
wife was soon brought to him. He tried but was 
unable to speak to her, and died in about twelve 
hours. He was carried to the grave with great fune- 
ral pomp, and was buried under arms, and with mili- 
tary honours. On his tomb stone is this inscrip- 
tion. 

HERE LIETH INTERRED THE BODY 
OF THE HONOURABLE 

COL. BENJAMIN CHURCH, Esq.; 

WHO DEPARTED THIS LIFE, 

JANUARY 17th, 1717 18, 

IN THE 78 YEAR OF HIS AGE.* 

Newport April 8, 1772. 

* " High in esteem among the great he stood J 
His wisdom made him lovely, great and good. 
Tho' he be said to die, he will survive ; 
Thro' future time his memory shall live." 

See a poem called " A description of Pennsylvania, Anno 
1729," by Thomas Makin, in Proud's Hist/ll, 361. The 
above though applied to the founder of that province, as good, 
at least, is deserved by the venerated Church ; who, through 
the foul intrigue, and low caprice of office seekers, and the 
blind zeal of ambitious bigots, suffered much, both as to 
fame and fortune, in his time. The truth of this remark will 
fully appear in the ensuing history 



THE 

ENTERTAINING HISTORY 

OF 

PHILIP'S WAR, 

WHICH BEGAN IN THE YEAR 1675. WITH THE PROCEED* 
INGS OF 

BENJAMIN CHURCH, Esq.* 



In the year 1674, Mr. Benjamin Church of Duxbury, 
being providentially at Plymouthf in the time of the 

* As the author does not begin with the causes and first 
events of this war, it may be proper to introduce the most 
important here. His intention appears to have been to give 
an account of this war, so far, only, as his father was engag- 
ed in it, as himself observes in another place. 

Although not a year bad passed since the settlement of 
Plymouth without some difficulties with the Indians, I will 
go so far back, only, as immediately concerns Philip's War. 

After the close of the Pequot war, in 1637, it was conjec- 
tured by the English, that the Narragansets took some af- 
front on account of the division of the captive Pequots, 
among themselves and the Mohegans ; and that the English 
showed partiality. These tribes had assisted in the con- 
quest of the Pequots, and were in a league with the Eng- 
lish, and each other. For some time the Narragansets prac- 
ticed secret abuses upon the Mohegans ; but at length they 
were so open in their insults, that complaints were made to 
the English, whose interest it was to preserve peace between 
them. In 1642, it was thought that they were plotting to 
cut off the English. They so pressed upon the Mohegans, 

in 



t Some authors, both ancient and modern wrote this word 
Plimouth, but custom has adopted the manner as used in the 
text. 



Jk 



18 PHILIP'S WAR. 

court, fell into acquaintance with Captain John Almy 
of Rhodeisland. Captain Almy with great impor- 

in 1645, that the colonies were obliged to interfere with an 
armed force. 

The Wampanoags, or Pokanokets, of which Philip was 
King, inhabitecl the tract of country where Bristol now is, 
then called Pokanoket, thence north around Mounthope bay, 
thence southerly, including the country of considerable 
width, to Seconet. At the head of this tribe was Massassoit, 
when the pilgrims arrived at Plymouth, who always lived in 
friendship with them. He had two sons, who were called 
Alexander and Philip, which names they received from Gov. 
Prince of Plymouth, while there renewing a treaty, proba- 
bly from Philip and Alexander of Macedon. Alexander be- 
ing the elder assumed the power on the death of his father, 
and it was soon found that he was plotting with the Narra- 
gansets against the English ; but his reign was short. On 
being sent for to answer to the court at Plymouth, to certain 
allegations, he went, and after explaining his conduct, was 
taken sick on his return, and died soon after. This was about 
1657. Philip succeeded, and his plottings were continual. 
But he frequently renewed treaties and affected friendships 
until 1671, when he made a loud complaint that some of the 
English injured his land, which in the end proved to be false. 
A meeting was held at Taunton, not long after in conse- 
quence of the hostile appearance of Philip's men, by Gov. 
Prince of Plymouth, and deputies from Massachusetts. Phi- 
lip was sent for to give reasons for such warlike appearances. 
He discovered extreme shyness, and for some time would not 
come to the town, and then with a large band of his warriours 
with their arms. He would not consent to go into the meet- 
inghouse, where the delegates were, until it was agreed that 
his men should be on one side of the house, and the English 
on the other. On being questioned, he denied having any 
ill designs upon the English, and said that he came with his 
men armed to prevent any attacks from the Narragansets ; 
but this falsehood was at once detected, and it wai evident 
that they were united in their operations. It was also prov- 
ed before him, that he had meditated an attack on Taunton, 
which he confessed. These steps so confounded him that he 
consented to deliver all his arms into the hands of the Eng- 
lish as an indemnity for past damages. All of the guns which 
he brought with him, about 70, were delivered, end the rest 
were to be sent in, but never were. What would have been 
the fate of Newengland had Philip's warriours possessed those 
arms in the war that ensued ? This prevented immediate 
war, and it required several years to repair their loss. Philip 



PHILIP'S WAR. 19 

tunity invited him to ride with him and view that part 
of Plymouth colony that lay next to Rhodeisland, 
known then by their Indian names of Pocasset and 
Sogkonate.* Among other arguments to persuade 
him, he told him the soil was very rich, and the situa- 
tion pleasant : Persuades him by all means to pur- 
chase of the company some of the court grant rights. 
He accepted his invitation, views the country and was 
pleased with it, makes a purchase, settled a farm, 
found the gentlemen of the islandf very civil and 
obliging. And being himself a person of uncommon 
activity and industry, he soon erected two buildings 
upon his farm, and gained a good acquaintance with 
the natives ; got much into their favour, and was 
in a little time in great esteem among them. J 

The next spring advancing, while Mr. Church was 
diligently settling his new farm, stocking, leasing and 
disposing of his affairs, and had a fine prospect of 
doing no small things; and hoping that his good suc- 
cess would be inviting unto other good men to be- 
come his neighbours : Behold ! the rumour of a war 
between the English and the natives, gave check to 

was industrious to do this, and, at the same time, used his 
endeavours to cause other tribes to engage in his cause. He 
was not ready when the war did begin, to which, in some 
measure, we may attribute his failure. Three of his men 
were tried and hanged for the alleged murder of John Sas- 
samon, whom Philip had condemned as a traitor. It so exas- 
perated Philip and his men that their friends should be pun- 
ished by the English, that they could no longer restrain their 
violence. Thus are some of the most prominent events 
sketched which led to this bloody war. The history of John 
Sassamon or Sausaman, will be found in a succeeding note. 

* Pocasset, now Tiverton, was the name of the main land 
against the north part of Rhodeisland. Sogkonate, after- 
wards Seconet, now Little Compton, extends from Fogland 
ferr,y to the sea ; in length between 7 and 8 miles. 

t Rhodeisland, which was now quite well inhabited. It 
was settled in 1638. Its Indian name was Aquevneck, and 
afterwards called the Isle of Rodes by the English. 

J Mr. Church moved here in the autumn of 1674. 



20 PHILIP'S WAR. 

his projects. People began to be very jealous of the 
Indians, and indeed they had no small reason to sus- 
pect that they had formed a design of war upon the 
English.* Mr. Church had it daily suggested to him 
that the Indians were plotting a bloody design. That 
Phnipthe great Mounthope Sachem, was leader there- 
in, and so it proved. He was sending his messengers 
to all the neighbouring Sachems, to engage them into 
a confederacy with him in the war.f Among the rest 

* It may be diverting to some, to introduce here what 
Cotton Mather calls an omen of the war that followed. 
" Things," says he, "began by this time to have an ominous 
aspect. Yea, and now we speak of things ominous, we may 
add, some time before this, [before those were executed for 
the murder of Sassamon] in a clear, still, sunshiny morning, 
there were divers persons in Maiden who heard in the air, 
on the southeast of them, a great gun go off, and presently 
thereupon the report of small guns like musket snot, very 
thick discharging, as if there had been a battle. This was 
at a time when there was nothing visible done in any part 
of the colony to occasion such noises ; but that which most 
of all astonished them was the flying of bullets, which came 
singing over their heads, and seemed very near to them, af- 
ter which the sound of drums passing along westward was 
very audible ; and on the same day, in Plymouth colony in 
several places, invisible troops of horse were heard riding to 
and fro," &c. Magnalia, II, 486. This is quite as credible 
as many witch accounts in that marvellous work. 

f The following is a statement of the probable numbers of 
the Indians in Newengland at the time of Philip's war, also 
of the English. 

Dr. Trumbull in his Hist. U. States, I, 36, supposes there 
were in Newengland at the time of settlement about 36,000 
Indian inhabitants ; one third of which were warriours. 
Their numbers gradually diminished as the whites increased, 
so that we may conclude that there were not less than 10,000 
warriours at the commencement of Philip's war. Hutchinson, 
I, 406, says that the Narragansets alone were considered to 
amount to 2000 fighting men, in 1675. Hubbard, Nar. 67, 
says they promised to rise with 4000 in the war. Governour 
Hinkley states the number of Indians in Plymouth county, in 
1885, at 4000 or upwards. Hist. U. States, I, 35. Beside 
these there were in different towns about 2000 praying In- 
dians, as those were called who adhered to the English reli- 
gion; they took no part in the war. In 



PHILIP'S WAR. 21 

he sent six men to Awashonks, squaw sachem of the 
Sogkonate Indians, to engage her in his interest f 
Awashonks so far listened unto them, as to call her 
subjects together, to make a great dance, which is 
the custom of that nation f when they advise about 
momentous affairs. But what does Awashonks do, 
but sends away two of her men that well understood 
the English language, (SassamonJ and George§ by 

In 1673, the inhabitants of Newengland amounted to about 
120,000 fouls, of whom, perhaps, 16,000 were able to bear 
arms. Holmes 5 American Annals, I, 416. 

* Dr. Belknap, in his Hist. N. Hampshire, I, 108, says, on 
the authority of Callender, that "The inhabitants of Bristol 
shew a particular spot where Philip received the news of the 
first Englishmen that were killed, with so much sorrow as to 
cause him to weep." This he observes was very different 
from the current opinion. No doubt the consternation of the 
people, caused by an approaching war, had great effect in 
establishing every thing unfavourable of Philip. 

t It is the custom of most, if not all, the N. American In- 
dians. See Capt. Carver's Travels in America, 269. 

| John Sassamon, or as others ..spell it, Sausaman, was in- 
structed in English by the celebrated Indian apostle, John 
Eliot, and pretended to believe in the christian religion. 
But for some reason he neglected its duties, and returned to a 
savage life. About this time, or perhaps before, he advised the 
English of some of Philip's plots, which so enraged him, that 
he sought Sassamon's death, whom he considered as a rebel 
and traitor. And this is the principle on which the English 
themselves acted ; yet, they would not suffer it in another 
people, who, indeed, were as free as any other. The partic- 
ulars were these: Sassamon was met on "a great pond," 
which I suppose to be Assawomset, by some of Philip's men, 
who killed him and put him under the ice, leaving his hat 
and gun on the ice, where they were found soon after ; and 
also the dead body. See Hubbard's Narrative, 70, 71. This 
must have been late in the spring of 1675, but there was ice. 
Marks were found upon the body of Sassamon, that indicated 
murder, and an Indian soon appeared, who said that he saw 
some of Philip's Indians in the very execution of it. Three 
were immediately apprehended, and tried at the court in 

Plymouth, 

§ An Indian, who from this time, was very friendly to Mr 
Church. All 1 ,an find concerning him is in this history, 



22 PHILIP'S WAR. 

name) to invite Mr. Church to the dance.* Mr 
Church, upon the invitation immediately takes with 
him Charles Hazelton, his tenant's son, who well 
understood the Indian language, and rode down to the — 
place appointed, where they found hundreds of 
Indians gathered together from all parts of her 
dominion. Awashonks herself in a foaming sweat, 
was leading the dance ; but she was no sooner sen- 
sible of Mr. Church's arrival, but she broke off, sat 
down, calls her nobles around her, [and] orders Mr. 
Church to be invited into her presence. Compli- 
ments being passed, and each one taking seat, 
she told him [that] King Philip had sent six men 
of his, with two of her people,f that had been over 
at Mounthope,J to draw her into a confederacy with 

Plymouth, in June, by a jury, says Mather, consisting of half 
Indians, and half English, and brought in guilty of the murder. 
Two of them peisisting in their innocence to the end, and 
the third denied that he had any hand in the murder, but 
said that he saw the others commit it. Perhaps he made this 
confession in hopes of pardon, but it did not save him. Mag- 
nalia, II, 486. m ather places the death of Sassamon in 1674, 
this was old style, hence it was previous to the 25th of March 
1675. Hubbard, 69, says that Sassamon had been Philip's 
secretary, and chief counsellor. To what tribe he first be- 
longed I have not ascertained, but from this history it appears 
that he belonged to the Sogkonate Indians, in the spring of 
1675. 

* One might conclude this transaction to have been about 
the middle of June, by its connexion with the commence- 
ment of the war, but by the death of Sassamon it must be 
placed much earlier. 

f These two I conclude, were those, or among those men- 
tioned by Hubbard, 69, who discovered the plots of PLilip, 
one of whom might be Sassamon. 



1 (Or Mont-haup, a mountain in Bristol.) 
Why 



the author writes this word so I do not know, un« 
less it were so pronounced in his day. Its ancient name was 
Pokanoket. It is qu : te an eminence about two miles east 
from the village of Bristol, very steep on all sides and termi- 
nates in a large rock, which at a distance has the appearance 
of a large dome of an amphitheatre. It is apparently com- 
posed of pebbles and sand. On this now stands a small oc- 
tagonal building. From many places on the east shorej par- 



PHILIP'S WAR. 23 

him, in a war with the English; [and] desired him 
to give her his advice in the case; and to tell her the 
truth, whether the Umpanie* men, (as Philip had told 
her) were gathering a great army to invade Philip's 
country. He assured her he would tell her the truth, 
and give her his best advice. Then he told her it 
was but a few days since he came from Plymouth, 
and [that] the English were then making no prepa- 
rations for war ; that he was in company with the 
principal gentlemen of the government, who had no 
discourse at all about war, and he believed no thoughts 
about it. He asked her whether she thought he 
would have brought up his goods to settle in that 
place, if he apprehended an entering into [a] war with 
so near a neighbour. She seemed to be somewhat 
convinced by his talk, and said she believed he spoke 
the truth. Then she called fo/ the Mounthope men, 
who made a formidable appearance, with their faces 
painted, and their hairs trimmed up in comb fashion, 
with their powderhorns and shot bagsf at their backs 

Hcularly at the little village of Fallriver, this mount forms 
a beautiful acclivity in the landscape ; very nearly resem- 
bling a view of the State house at Boston from a distance. 
On an excursion there in the summer of 1824, many gratify- 
ing objects were discovered, relating to thp times of which 
we treat. A most beautiful prospect of Providence and the 
surrounding country and bay appears from this mount. 

* The Indian name for Plymouth. 

| It has been a question among many, how the Indians be- 
came furnished, so soon, with our implements of war. It is 
not probable that every source is known ; but they no doubt, 
had a large supply from the French in the east of Neweng- 
land. A man by the name of Morton, who came to this coun- 
try in 16*22, is said to have been the first that supplied the 
Indians with arms and ammunition, and taught them their 
use, in the country adjacent to Cape Cod. This he done 
that the Indians might hunt and procure furs for him. Sec- 
retary Morton, in his Newengland's Memorial, 76, says, "he 
had been a petty-fogger at Furnival's Inn, having more craft 
than honesty ;" but in justice to him it may be observed, 
that the Memorialist has made every circumstance appear in 
the darkest dress, and not only of him, but others, whom, in 



24 PHILIP'S WAR. 

which among that nation is the posture and figure of 
preparedness for war. She told Mr. Church these 
were the persons that had brought her the report of 
the English preparations for war, and then told them 
what Mr. Church had said in answer to it. Upon 
this began a warm talk among the Indians, but it was 
soon quashed, and Awashonks proceeded to tell Mr. 

deed, we had rather speak in praise. Ail historians, with 
whom I am conversant, agree that he was a disorderly per- 
son, of bad morals, and gave people much trouble. He re- 
sided first in Mr. Weston's Plantation at Wessagusset, now 
Weymouth ; but that breaking up the next year, 1623, he 
next settled with Captain Wallaston at or near the same 
place in 1625, and the place being near the hill that separates 
Weymouth from Quincy, was called Mount Wallaston. 
Capt. Wallaston with most of his company abandoned the 
plantation, and Morton usurped the government. They 
soon found themselves involved in difficulties with the In- 
dians and with one another. They erected a Maypole, and 
practiced their excesses about it. Selling arms to the na- 
tives being a breach of the laws among others, he was seized 
by order of the court, and soon after, 1628, sent to England. 
No notice of the complaints against him being taken, he re- 
turned the next year. He was afterwards imprisoned for 
his writings. He died at Agamenticus in 1644 or 5, 
according to Allen, American Biog. 441. He has been ac- 
cused of giving currency to the story of " hanging the wea- 
ver instead of the cobbler." The author of Hudibras get- 
ting hold of the story, has, in that work, Part II, Canto II, 
line 403, &c, set it otf to the no small expense of the zeal of 
the Pilgrims. See Belknap, Amer. Biog. II, 318, Prince 
Chron. 212, and Savage's edition of Winthrop, I, 34, 35, 36, 
where the passage may be seen. The latter author says it 
was not so, on the authority of Morton himself ; but as the 
affair happened at Weston's plantation, where Morton was 
concerned, it is natural that he should say the right one was 
hanged. In a note to line 413, in the passage above referred 
to, is the following positive assertion: " The history of the 
Cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who 
were upon the place when it was done." Early authors 
hinted at the affair, and late ones have enlarged upon it. 
The truth no doubt is as follows: The people of that planta- 
tion were in a state of starvation, and by stealing from the 
Indians had incurred their vengeance, which to satisfy, they 
hanged one ; who, Hudibras says, was a bedrid weaver, 
whereas the right or -*. was a useful cobbler, whom they could 
not so well spare. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 25 

Church, that Philip's message to her was, that unless 
she would forthwith "enter into a confederacy with 
him in a war against the English, he would send his 
men over privately^ to kill the English cattle, and 
burn their houses on that side of the river, which 
would provoke the English to fall upon her, whom, 
they would without doubt, suppose the author of the 
mischief. Mr. Church told her he was sorry to see 
so threatening an aspect of affairs ; and stepping to 
the Mount'hopes, he felt of their bags, and finding 
them filled with bullets, asked them what those 
bullets were for. They scoffingly replied, " To shoot 
pigeons with." Then Mr. Church turned to Awa- 
shonks, and told her, [that] if Philip were resolved 
to make war, her best way would be to knock those 
six Mounthopes on the head, and shelter herself under 
the protection of the English. Upon which the Mount- 
hopes were for the present dumb. But those two of 
Awashonks' men, who had been at Mounthope, 
expressed themselves in a furious manner against his 
advice. And Littleeyes,* one of the Queen's coun- 
sel joined with them, and urged Mr. Church to go 
aside with him among the bushes, that he might have 
some private discourse with him, which other Indians 
immediately forbid; being sensible of his ill design. 
But the Indians began to side, and grow very warm. 
Mr. Church, with undaunted courage, told the Mount- 
hopes, [that] they were bloody wretches, and thirsted 
after the blood of their English neighbours, who had 
never injured them, but had always abounded in their 
kindness to them. That for his own part, though 
he desired nothing more than peace, yet, if nothing 
but war would satisfy them, he believed he should 
prove a sharp thorn in their sides : Bid the company 
observe those men that were of such bloody disposi- 
tions, whether providence would suffer them to live 

* He was afterward taken in the war that followed, by 
Church, and treated very kindly, as will be seen in the pro- 
gress of this history. 
B 



^dS 



fcd 



PHILIP'S WAR. 



to see the event of the war, which others, more 
peaceably disposed, might do. Then he told Awas- 
honks, [that] he thought it might be most advisable 
for her to send to the Governour of Plymouth,* and 
shelter herself and people under his protection 
She liked his advice, and desired him to go on her be 
half to the Plymouth government, which he consent- 
ed to. And at parting advised her, [that] whatever 
she did, not to desert the English interest to join 
with her neighbours in a rebellion,! which would 
certainly prove fatal to her. (He moved none of his 
goods from his house, that there might not be the 
least umbrage from such an action. J) She thanked 
him for his advice, and sent two of her men to guard 
him to his house, [who] 1 when they came there, 
urged him to take care to secure his goods, which he 
refused, for the reasons before mentioned ; but desired 
the Indians, that if what they feared, should happen, 
they would take care of what he left, and directed 
them to a place in the woods where they should 
dispose of them, which they faithfully observed. He 
i [which] 

* The Honourable Josiah Winslow, Esq., who was after- 
wards commander in chief of the forces in this war. He was 
a son of the distinguished Mr. Edward Winslow, who was 
also Governour of Plymouth many years. He was born in 
1629, and was the first Governor born in Newengland, which 
office he filled 7 years. He died 18 Dec. 1G80, aged 52, 

t This war was called a rebellion, because the English 
fancied tb°m under the King of England, but that did not 
make them so. As well might emigrants from the United 
States land on the coast of France, and because they were 
disputed by the inhabitants, of their right so to do, call them 
rebels ; yet, when the country was neither claimed nor im- 
proved, certainly, to take possession and improve was not 
wrong. Our author is by no means so lavish of ill names as 
many early writers. Hellhounds, fiends, serpents, caitiffs, 
dogs, &c, were their common appellations. The ill fame of 
Mather, in this respect, will be celebrated as long as the 
marvellous contents of the Magnalia are read. 

X This sentence was included in brackets in the copy but 
as I have appropriated that mark to my own use, I substi- 
tute the parenthesis 



PHILIP'S WAR. 27 

took his leave of his guard, [after bidding] 1 them 
tell their mistress, [that] if she continued steady in 
her dependence on the English, and kept within her 
own limits of Sogkonate, he would see her again 
quickly ; and then hastened away to Pocasset ;* where 
he met with Peter Nunnuit, the husband of the 
Queenf of Pocasset, who was just then come over in 
a canoe. from Mounthope. Peter told him that there 
would certainly be war, for Philip had held a dance 
of several weeks continuance, and had entertained 
the young men from all parts of the country. And 
added, that Philip expected to be sent for to Ply- 
mouth, to be examined about Sassamon'sJ death, whc 
was murdered at Assawomset ponds,§ knowing him- 
self guilty of contriving that murder. The same 
Peter told him that he saw Mr. James Brown, || of 
l [and bid] 

* (Tiverton shore over against the north end of Rhodeisl- 
and.) 

f Weetamore or Wetamoe, " Philip's near kinswoman." 
Hub. 224. The same mentioned in another place, as 
" Squaw Sachem of Pocasset." She was drowned in cross- 
ing a river or arm of the sea at Swanzey, 6 August, 1675, 
by attempting to escape from a party of English. lb. 224. 
Her head was cut off, and set upon a pole. Ibid. 

$ The same of whom the history is given in note 8 on 
page 21. 

§ (Middleborough.) 

Three large ponds about 40 miles from Boston, and 16 
from Newbedford. In passing from the latter place to the 
former we have the largest on the right, which now bears the 
name of Assawomset, or Assawamset, and two others on the 
left. They are all very near together. The road passes be- 
tween two, separated only by a narrow neck of flat land, 
about a stone's throw over. 

|| " One of the magistrates of Plymouth jurisdiction/' 
Hubbard, 12. This gentleman was very active in the war. 
He was a magistrate between the years 1670 and 1675. 
Morton, 208. A minister of Swanzey is mentioned by Ma- 
ther in his third clasis of Newengland ministers by this 



28 PHILIP'S WAR 

Swanzey,* and Mr. Samuel Gorton,f who was an 
interpreter, and two other men, J who brought a letter 

* A town on the west side of Taunton rivei in the bottoia 
of Mounthope bay, about 15 miles from Taunton, and in the 
vicinity of Mounthope, distance by the road about 11 miles. 

f Accounts of this gentleman may be seen in Morton's Me- 
morial, 117, &c, which, perhaps, are not impartial. That 
author partaking of the persecuting spirit of the times, 
accuses him of all manner of outrages against religion and go- 
vernment. " Not only," he observes, " abandoning and re- 
jecting all civil power and authority, (except moulded accord- 
ing to his own fancy) but belching out. errours, &c." Seve- 
ral pages in that work are filled up to this effect. Dr. Eliot, 
N. E. Biog. 227, says, " It is evident that he was not so bad 
a man as his enemies represented." The reader is referred 
to that excellent work, for an interesting account of him. 
Allen, also, 314, seems inclined to do him justice, and is more 
particular. It appears evident that he was rather wild in 
his views of religion, and went too far, perhaps, in persuad- 
ing others to fall in with him. He came to Boston in 1636, 
from London, and was soon suspected of heresy, on which he 
was examined. But from his aptness in evading questions 
nothing was found against him. He went to Plymouth, but 
did not stay long there, having got into difficulty with their 
minister. From thence he went to Rhodeisland of his own 
accord; or as some say, was banished there. Here, it is said, 
he underwent corporeal punishment for his contempt of civil 
authority. Leaving this place he went to Providence in 
1649, where he was very humanely treated by Mr. Roger 
Williams, who also had been banished on the score of tenets. 
He began a settlement at Patuxet, 4 or 5 miles south of 
Providence in 1641, but was soon complained of to the gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts, for encroaching upon the lands 
of others. The Governour ordered him to answer to the 
same which he refused, treating the messenger with con- 
tempt. But he was arrested, carried to Boston and had his 
trial. A cruel sentence was passed upon him, being confin- 
ed a whole winter at Charlestown in heavy irons, and then 
banished out of the colony. In 1644, he went to England, 
and la 1648, returned to his possessions by permission of par- 
liament. 



$ Who these two men were I have not been able to ascer- 
tain. Mention is made in the histories of this war of messen- 
gers being sent, but in none more than two, and their names 
are not mentioned. Two were also sent from Massachu- 
setts. See Hub. Nar. 72, 73. Hutch. I, 262. They were 
sent 16 June, 1675. 



JL 



PHILIP'S WAR. 29 

from the Governour of Plymouth to Philip. He 
observed to him further, that the young men were 
very eager to begin the war, and would fain have 
killed Mr. Brown, but Philip prevented it 5 telling 
them that his father had charged him to show kind- 
ness to Mr. Brown. In short, Philip was forced to 
promise them, that, on the next Lord's day, when the 
English were gone to meeting they should rifle their 
houses, and from that time forward, kill their cattle. 

Peter desired Mr. Church to go and see his wife, 
who was but [just] up the hill ;* he went and found 
but few of her people with her. She said they were 
all gone against her will to the dances, and she much 
feared [that] there would be a war. Mr. Church 
advised her to go to the island and secure herself, 
and those that were with her, and send to the Gover- 
nour of Plymouth, who she knew was her friend ; and 
so left her, resolving to hasten to Plymouth, and 
wait on the Governour. And he was so expeditious 
that he was with the Governour early next morning,f 
though he waited on some of the magistrates by the 
way, who were of the council of war, and also met 
him at the Governour's. He gave them an account 
of his observations and discoveries, which confirmed 
their former intelligences, and hastened their prepa- 
ration for defence. 

Philip, according to his promise to his people, per- 
mitted them to march out of the neckj on the next 
Lord's day,§ when they plundered the nearest hou- 

liament. He was a minister, and a man of talents and abili- 
ty. His defence against the charges in Morton's Memorial, 
shows him to be a man of learning, and is worthy perusing. 
It is in Hutchinson, Hist. Mas. I, 467 to 470. He lived to 
an advanced age, but the time of his death is not kaown. 

* I conclude this hill to be that a little north of Howland's 
ferry. 

t June 16. 

+ The neck on which Bristol and Warren now are, mak- 
ing the ancient Pokanoket. 

§ June 20. See Trumbull, Hist. Con. I, 327. Ibid. U 
States, I, 189. 



30 PHILIP'S WAR. 

ses that the inhabitants had deserted, but as yet of- 
fered no violence to the people, at least none were 
killed.* However the alarm was given by their num- 
bers and hostile equipage, and by the prey they 
made of what they could find in the forsaken houses. 
An express came the same day to the Governour,f 
who immediately gave orders to the captains of the 
towns, to march the greatest part of their companies, 
and to rendezvous at Taunton on Monday night,J 
where Major Bradford was to receive them, and dis- 
pose them under Captain (now made Major) Cut- 
worthy of Scituate. The Governour desired Mr. 
Church to give them his company, and to use his in- 
terest in their behalf, with the gentlemen of Rhode- 
island. He complied with it, and they marched the 
next day. Major Bradford desired Mr. Church, with 
a commanded party, consisting of English and some 
friend Indians, to march in the front at some distance 
from the main body. Their orders were to keep so 
far before as not to be in sight of the army. And so 
they did, for by the way they killed a deer, flayed, 
roasted, and eat the most of him before the army 
came up with them. But the Plymouth forces soon 

* But an Indian was fired njrjn and 'rounded, which was a 
sufficient umbrage for them to begin the work. See Hub. 
Nar. 72, and Hutch. I, 261. It appears that Philip waited 
for the English to begin, and to that end, had suffered his 
men to provoke them to it ; yet, it was thought that Philip 
tried to restrain them from beginning so soon, as is observed 
in note 1 to page i7. At this time a whimsical opinion 
prevailed, that the side which first began would finally be 
conquered. Hutch. Ibid. 

t In consequence of this intelligence Governour Winslow 
proclaimed a fast. H.Adams, 120. 
| June 21. 

- § James Cudworth, several years a magistrate of Plymouth 

^colony. Other historians style him Captain, but do not take 

notice of this advancement. See Hubbard, Nar. 75, 79, 84 

Also in the continuation of Morton, 208, where it appears he 

was an assistant in the government between 1670 and 1675. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 31 

arrived at Swanzey,* and were chiefly posted at Ma- 
jor Brown'sf and Mr. Miles'J garrisons, and were 
there soon joined with those that came from Massa- 
chusetts, who had entered into a confederacy with 
their Plymouth brethren against the perfidious hea- 
thens. 

The enemy, who began their hostilities with plun- 
dering and destroying cattle,§ did not long content 
themselves with that game ; they thirsted for English 
blood, and they soon broached it ; killing two men 
in the way not far from Mr. Miles' garrison, and 

* Whether the Plymouth forces were at Swanzey when 
the first English were killed does not appear, though it is 
presumed \hat they were not. We are certain that they had 
sufficient time to arrive there. It appears from the text that 
they marched from Plymouth on Monday, which was the 21 
June, aad the first English Avere killed the 24. 

The author seems to be a little before his story concerning 
the Massachusetts' men, for we know that they did not ar- 
rive till the 28 June, and their arrival is related before the 
first men were killed. 

Dr. Morse, in his late history of the Revolution, has run 
over this history without any regard to dates. Nor has he 
thought it worth his while to tell us there ever was such an 
author as Church, but copies from him as though it were his 
own work, which, at best he makes a mutilated mass. 

t Sec note 5 on page 27. 

X The Rev. John Miles, as I find in Allen, Biog. 429, was 
minister of the first Baptist church in Massachusetts ; that in 
1649 he was a settled minister near Swansea in South Wales. 
Hence, perhaps, the name of Swanzey in Mass. is derived. 
Mr. Miles being ejected in 1662, came to this country, and 
formed a church at Rehoboth. He removed to Swanzey a 
few years after, which town was granted to the baptists 
by the government of Plymouth. Hutchinson, I, 209, speaks 
of him as a man discovering christian unity, &c. He died 
in 1683. 

§ It appears that an Indian was wounded while in the act 
of killing cattle ; or as tradition informs us, the Indian who 
was wounded, after killing some animals in a man's field, 
went to his house and demanded liquor, and being refused 
attempted to take it by violence, threatening at the same 
time to be reveng d for such usage, this caused the English- 
man to fire on him. 



32 PHILIP'S WAR. 

soon after eight more* at Matapoiset :f Upon whose 
bodies they exercised more than brutish barbarities ; 
beheading, dismembering and mangling them, and 
exposing them in the most inhuman manner, which 
gashed and ghostly objects struck a damp on all be- 
holders. J 

The enemy flushed with these exploits, grew yet 
bolder, and skulking every where in the bushes, shot 
at all passengers, and killed many that ventured 
abroad. They came so near as to shoot two sen- 
tinels at Mr. Miles' garrison, under the very noses 
of our forces. These provocations drew out [— J 1 
some of Captain Prentice's troops,§ who desired 
they might have liberty to go out and seek the ene- 
my in their own quarters. Quartermasters Gill and 
Belcher || commanded the parties drawn out, who 
earnestly desired Mr. Church's company. They pro- 
vided him a horse and furniture, (his own being out of 
the way.) He readily complied with their desires, 
and was soon mounted. This party was no sooner 
over Miles' bridge, IT but were fired upon by an ara- 
l [the resentment of] 

* It was the same day, 24 June, on Thursday, being a fast, 
appointed by the Governour of Plymouth, on hearing what 
took place the 20. See H. Adam's Hist. N. England, 120. 
At Kehoboth a man was fired upon the same day. Hutchinson, 
1,261. 

t (In Swanzey.) 

Several places bore this name. The word is now general- 
ly pronounced Matapois. It appears too, that the pronunci 
ation tended thus, at first, as I find it spelt in Winslow's Nar i 
rative, Matapuyst. See Belknap, Biog. II, 292. 

| The sight must have been dreadful, but yet, it did not 
hinder the English from the like foul deeds. Weetamore's 
head was cut off and set upon a pole. See note 2 on page 27. 

§ Capt. Thomas Prentice of the Boston troops. Twelve 
was the number that went over at this time. Hubbard, 75 
Hutchinson, I, 262. 

|| Hubbard, 75, calls him Corporal Belcher. He makes no 
mention of any person by the name of Gill. 

1T There is a bridge over Palmer's river, which bears this 
name. It is about 4 miles north of Warren. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 33 

buscade of about a dozen Indians, as they were af- 
terward discovered to be. When they drew off, the 
pilot* was mortally wounded, Mr. Belcher received 
a shot in his knee, and his horse was killed under 
him. Mr. Gill was struck with a musket ball on the 
side of his body ; but being clad with a buff coat,f 
and some thickness of paper under it, it never broke 
his skin.t The troopers were surprised to see both 
their commanders wounded and wheeled off; but 
Mr. Church persuaded, at length stormed and stamp- 
ed, and told them it was a shame to run, and leave 
a wounded man there to become a prey to the 
barbarous enemy ; for the pilot yet sat on his horse, 
though amazed with the shot as not to have sense to 
guide him. Mr. Gill seconded him, and offered, 
though much disabled, to assist in bringing him off. 
Mr. Church asked a stranger, who gave him his com- 
pany in that action, if he would go with him and 
fetch off the wounded man. He readily consented, 
and they with Mr. Gill went ; but the wounded man 
fainted, and fell off his horse before they came to him. 
But Mr. Church and the stranger dismounted, took 
up the man, dead, and laid him before Mr. Gill on his 
horse. Mr. Church told the other two, [that] if they 
would take care of the dead man, he would go and 
fetch his horse back, which was going off the cause- 
way toward the enemy ; but before he got over the 
causeway he saw the enemy run to the right into the 
neck. He brought back the horse, and called ear- 
nestly and repeatedly to the army to come over and 
fight the enemy ; and while he stood calling and 
persuading, the skulking enemy returned to their 
old stand, and all discharged their guns at him at one 
clap ; [and] though every shot missed him, yet, one 

* William Hammond. 

t A huff coat, and kind of cuirass or breastplate of iron or 
steel formed their armour ; swords, carabines, and pistols, 
their weapons. 

t June 28. This action took place the same day that the 
other tpoops arrived B 



34 PHILIP'S WAR. 

of the army on the other side of the river, received one 
of the balls in his foot. Mr. Church now began, (no 
succour coming to him) to think it time to retreat. 
Saying, "The Lord have mercy on us, if such a 
handful of Indians shall thus dare such an army."* 

Upon this it was immediately resolved, and orders 
were given to march down into the neck,f and hav- 
ing passed the bridge and causeway, the direction 
was to extend both wings, which not being well heed- 
ed by those that remained in the centre, some of 
them mistook their friends for their enemies,J and 
made a fire upon them in the right wing, and wound- 
ed that noble heroick youth, Ensign Savage, in the 
thigh,§ but it happily proved but a flesh wound. They 
marched until they came to the narrow of the neck, 
at a place called Keekamuit,|| where they took down 

* Thus ended the 28 June, 1C75, according to Hubbard, 
75 ; but by the text, the next transaction would seem under 
the same date, which from the fact that most of the army did 
not arrive until after noon, and that the action did not take 
place until it had arrived, it is plain that it was not. Hutch- 
inson, I, 262, is as indistinct with regard to the dates in 
question, as our author, but Holmes considered it as I do. 
Annals, I, 421. The next morning, Hubbard, 75, says, that 
the Indians, at half a mile's distance, shouted twice or 
thrice, and 9 or 10 showing themselves at the bridge, the 
army immediately went in pursuit of them. 

t June 29. 

1 1 cannot find as any historian takes notice of this bad 
management of the army. The reason is obvious as Hub- 
bard says nothing of it, whom they all follow. Hence it ap- 
pears that Savage was wounded by his own companions, and 
not by 10 or 12 of the enemy discharging upon him at once 
Sec next note. 

§ " He had at that time one bullet lodged in his thigh, 
another shot through the brim of his hat, by ten or twelve 
of the enemy discharging upon him together, while he bold- 
ly held up his colours in the front of his company." 
Hubbard, 76. Our author or Mr. Hubbard is in a great 
mistake about the manner in which he was wounded, but the 
former ought not to be mistaken. 

II (Upper part of Bristol.) 

Now the upper part of Warren, which has been taken 



PHILIP'S WAR. $t 

the heads of eight Ei glishmen that were killed at the 
head of Matapoiset neck, and set upon poles, after 
the barbarous manner of those savages. There Philip 
had staved all his drums and conveyed all his canoes 
to the east side of Matapoiset river. Hence it was 
concluded by those, that were acquainted with the 
motions of those people, that they had quitted the 
neck. Mr. Church told them that Philip was doubt- 
less gone over to Pocasset side to engage those In- 
dians in a rebellion with him, which they soon found 
to be true. The enemy were not really beaten out 
of Mounthope neck, though it was true [that] they 
fled from thence ; yet it was before any pursued 
them. It was but to strengthen themselves, and to 
gain a more advantageous post. However, some, 
and not a few, pleased themselves with the fancy of 
a mighty conquest. 

A grand council was held, and a resolve passed, 
to build a fort there, to maintain the first ground 
they had gained, by the Indians leaving it to them. 
And to speak the truth, it must be said, that as they 
gained not that field by their sword, nor their bow, 
so it was rather their fear than their courage that 
obliged them to set up the marks of their conquest.* 

Mr. Church looked upon it, and talked of it with 
contempt, and urged hard the pursuing [of] the en- 
emy on Pocasset side; and with the greater earnest- 
ness; because of the promise made to Awashonks, be- 
fore mentioned. 

The council adjourned themselves from Mount- 

from Bristol. It is called on the map of Rhodeisland, Kicke- 
muet, or rather the bay which makes this neck on one side, 
is so called. Warren river makes the other side. 

•Major Savage and Major Cudworth commanded the 
forces in this expedition, at whom, of course, this reflection 
is directed. But chiefly. I suppose, at Major Cudworth: 
For I find, Hubbard, 79, that Captain Cudworth, as lie de- 
nominates him, "left a garrison of 40 men upon Mount- 
hope neck," wnio"i is all that he says about tnis fort. 



36 PHILIP'S AVAR. 

hope to Rehoboth,* where Mr. Treasurer South- 
worth, being weary of his charge of Commissary 
General, (provision being scarce and difficult to 
be obtained for the army,f that now lay still to co- 
ver the people from nobody, while they were build- 
ing a fort for nothing) retired, and the power and 
trouble of that post was left to Mr. Church, who 
still urged the commanding officers to move over to 
Pocasset side, to pursue the enemy and kill Philip, 
which would in his opinion be more probable to keep 
possession of the neck, than to tarry to build a fort. J 
He was still restless on that side of the river, and 
the rather, because of his promise to the squaw Sa- 
chem of Sogkonate. And Captain Fuller§ also urg- 
ed the same, until at length there came further or- 

* A town in Massachusetts, about 10 miles from where they 
then were, and about 38 from Boston. 

f Hubbard says, 77, that the forces under Major Savage 
returned to Swanzey, and those under Capt. Cudworth pass- 
ed over to Rhodeisland the same day, as the weather looked 
likely to be tempestuous, and that night there fell abundance 
of rain. But it is presumed that Captain Cudworth soon re- 
turned to build said fort, as he arrived at Swanzey the 5 
July. 

J While these things were passing, Capt. Hutchinson was 
despatched with a letter from the Governour of Massachu- 
setts, bearing date July 4, 1675, constituting him commis- 
sioner to treat with the Narragansets, who now seem openly 
to declare for Philip. He arrived the 5 at Swanzey, and on 
the 6, a consultation was held, wherein it was resolved " to 
treat with the Narragansets sword in hand." Accordingly 
the forces marched into their country, and after several cere- 
monious days, a treaty, as long as it was useless, was signed 
on, the 15. It maybe seen at large in Hubbard, Nar. 81 to 
88, and Hutchinson, I, 263, 264. By which the Narragan- 
sets agreed, to harbour none of Philip's people, &c. ; ail 
which was only forced upon them, and they regarded it no 
longer than the army was present. The army then returned 
to Taunton, 17 June. 

§ I learn nothing more of this gentleman than is found in 
this history. The name is common in Massachusetts and 
elsewhere. He had 6 files each containing 6 men, therefore 
tl*eir whole number consisted of 36 men only. 



PHILIP'S WAR, 37 

ders* concerning the fort, and withal an order for 
Captain Fuller with six files to cross the river to the 
side so much insisted on, and to try if he could get 
speech with any of the Pocasset or Sogkonate In- 
dians, and that Mr. Church should go [as] his second. 

Upon the Captain's receiving his orders, he asked 
Mr. Church whether he were willing to engage in this 
enterprise ; to whom it was indeed too agreeable to 
be declined; though he thought the enterprise was 
hazardous enough for them to have [had] more men 
assigned them. Captain Fuller told him, that for 
his own part, he was grown ancient and heavy, [and] 
ne feared the travel and fatigue would be too much 
for him. But Mr. Church urged him, and told him 
[that] he would cheerfully excuse him his hardship 
and travel, and take that part to himself, if he might 
but go ; for he had rather do any thing in the world, 
than to stay there to build the fort. 

.Then they drew out the number assigned them, 
and marched the same nightf to the ferry, J and were 

* From Major Cudworth, who did not go with the rest of 
the army into the country of the Narragansets. Hub. 84. 

t No author that I have seen, excepting Mr. Hubbard, 
fixes any date to this memorable part of Philip's War. Nei- 
ther Hutchinson nor Trumbull takes any notice of it. Hub- 
bard, 84, says, "Upon Thursday, July 7, Captain Fuller and 
Lieutenant Church went into Pocasset to seek after the ene- 
my," &c. But he is in an errour about the day of the week 
or month, and perhaps both ; for I find that the 7 July falls 
on Wednesday ; an errour which might easily have happened 
in some former edition of his Narrative. Though this scru- 
tiny may seem unimportant, yet, the transaction, it must be 
allowed, merits particular attention ; for histoiy without 
chronology may be compared to the trackless desert over 
which we may wander in vain for relief. Most authors since 
Mr. Hubbard's time, pass lightly over this event, and either 
think it not worth fixing a date to, or doubting the authority 
of Mr. Hubbard. But I am induced to believe, that the day 
of the month is right, and that the day of the week is wrong. 
If this be the case, we are able to fi\ the date of tbe battle of 
the Peasfieldon July S. 

J Bristol ferry. 



38 PHILIP'S WAR. 

transported to Rhodeisland, from whence, the next 
night they got passage over to Pocasset side in Rhode- 
island boats, and concluded there to dispose them- 
selves in two ambuscades before day, hoping to sur- 
prise some of the enemy by their falling into one or 
other of their ambushments. But Captain Fuller's 
party being troubled with the epidemical plague of 
lust after tobacco, must needs strike fire to smoke 
it.* And thereby discovered themselves to a party 
of the enemy coming up to them, who immediately 
fled with great precipitation. 

This ambuscade drew off about break of day, per- 
ceiving [that] they were discovered, the other con- 
tinued in their post until the time assigned them, 
and the light and heat of the sun rendered their sta- 
tion both insignificant and troublesome, and then re- 
turned unto the place of rendezvous ; where they 
were acquainted with the other party's disappoint- 
ment, and the occasion of it. Mr. Church calls for 
the breakfast he had ordered to be brought over in 
the boat, but the man that had the charge of it, con- 
fessed that he was asleep when the boat's men call- 
ed him, and in haste came away and never thought 
of it. It happened that Mr. Church had a few cakes 
of rusk in his pocket, that Madam Cranston,f (the 

* It is customary with many to this day in Rhodeisland, to 
use this phrase. If a person tells another that he smoked to- 
bacco at any particular time, he will say that he smoked it, 
or " I have smokt it." 

f I am sorry to acknowledge the want of information of so 
conspicuous a character as a Governour of Rhodeisland, but 
the histories of Newengland do not tell us there ever was 
such a Governour. Probably the town of Cranston perpetu* 
ates his name. From Allen, Bio^. 196, it appears that Mr. 
William Coddington was Governour this year, 1675 ; yet 
there may be no mistake in the text, though this name has 
been written with variation. From Trumbull's Conn. I, 
856, I find that "John Cranston, Esq., Governour of 
Rhodeisland, [in 1679] held a court in Narraganset, in Sep- 
tember, and made attempts to introduce the authority and 
officers of Rhodeisland, into that part of Connecticut The 
general assembly therefore, in October, protested against 



PHILIP'S WAR. 39 

Governour's Lady of Rhodeisland) gave him when he 
came off the island, which he divided among the 
company, which was all the provisions they had. 

Mr. Church after their slender breakfast, proposed 
to Captain Fuller, that he would march in quest of 
the enemy, with such of the company as would be 
tvilling to march with him, which he complied with, 
though with a great deal of scruple ; because of his 
small numbers, and the extreme hazard he foresaw 
must attend them.* 

But some of the company reflected upon Mr. 
Church, that notwithstanding his talk on the other 
side of the river, he had not shown them any In- 
dians since they came over ; which now moved him 
to tell them, that, if it were their desire to see In- 
dians, he believed he should now soon show them 
what they should say was enough. 

The number allowed himf soon drew off to him, 
A r hich could not be many ; because their whole com- 
pany consisted of no more than thirty-six. 

They moved towards Sogkonate, until they came 
to the brookj that runs into Nunnaquahqat§ neck 

where they discovered a fresh and plain track, which 

__ . . — ^ 

nis usurpation, and declared his acts to be utterly void." 
Thus the spirit of feeling between the two colonies at this 
period is discovered. 

* Captain Fuller had not proceeded far, before he fell in 
with a large number of the enemy, but fortunately he was 
in the vicinity of the water, and more fortunately, near an 
old house, in which he sheltered himself and men until a 
vessel discovered and conveyed them off, with no other loss, 
than having two men wounded. He had 17 men in his com- 
pany. 

t Nineteen. Hubbard, 85, says, that Mr. Church had 
not above 15 men. 

J This brook is that which empties into the bay nearly a 
mile southward from Howland's ferry. The road to Little 
Compton, here, follows the shore of the bay, and crosses said 
brook where it meets the bay. 

§ Now called Quaucut, a small strait near the brook just 
mentioned. 



40 PHILIP'S WAR. 

they concluded to be from the great pine swamp 
about a mile from the road that leads to Sogkonate. 
'Now," says Mr. Church, to his men, "if we follow 
this track, no doubt but we shall soon see Indians 
enough." They expressed their willingness to fol- 
low the track, and moved [on] in it ; but [they] had 
not gone far, before one of them narrowly escaped 
being bit with a rattlesnake ; and the woods that 
the track led them through was haunted much with 
those snakes, which the little company seemed more 
to be afraid of, than the black serpents they were in 
quest of; and therefore bent their course another 
way to a place where they thought it probable to 
find some of the enemy. Had they kept the track 
to the pine swamp, they had been certain of meet- 
ing Indians enough, but not so certain that any of 
them should have returned to give [an] account how 
many. 

Now they passed down into Punkatees* neck, and 
in their march discovered a large wigwam full of 
Indian truck, which the soldiers were for loading 
themselves with, until Mr. Church forbid it; telling 
them they might expect soon to have their hand? 
/ull and business without caring for plunder. Then 
crossing the head of the creek into the neck, they 
again discovered fresh Indian tracks ; [which had] 
very lately passed before them into the neck. They 
then got privately and undiscovered unto the fence 
of Captain Almy'sj- peas field, and divided into two 
parties; Mr. Church keeping the one party with 

* A point of land running south nearly two miles between 
the bay and Little Compton, and a little more than a mile 
wide. On Lockwood's map of Rhodeisland it is called Pun- 
catest. It is the southern extremity of Tiverton, and has 
been known by thf* name of Pocasset neck. 

f Captain John Almy, who lived on Rhodeisland ; the 
same, I presume, mentioned in the beginning of this history. 
The land is now owned by people of the same name, and 
Mr. Sanford Almy, an aged gentleman, lives near the spot. 



L 



PHILIP'S WAR. 41 

himself, sent the other with Lake,* who was ac- 
quainted with the ground, on the other side. Two 
Indians were soon discovered coming out of the 
peas field towards them, when Mr. Church and those 
that were with him, concealed, themselves from them 
by falling flat on the ground, but the other division, 
not using the same caution, was seen by the enemy, 
which occasioned them to run, which, when Mr. 
Church perceived, he showed himself to them, and 
called ; telling them he desired but to speak with 
them, and would not hurt them. But they ran and 
Church pursued. The Indians climbed over a fence, 
and one of them facing about, discharged his piece, 
but without effect, on the English. One of the Eng- 
lish soldiers ran up to the fence and fired upon him 
that had discharged his piece, and they concluded 
by the yelling they heard, that the Indian was wound- 
ed. But the Indians soon got into the thickets, 
whence they saw them no more for the present. 

Mr. Church then marching over a plane piece of 
ground where the woods were very thick on one 
side, ordered his little company to march at a double 
distance to make as big a show, (if they should be 
discovered,) as might be. But before they saw any 
body they were saluted with a volley of fifty or six- 
ty guns. Some bullets came very surprisingly near 
Mr. Church, who starting, looked behind him to see 
what was become of his men, expecting to have 
seen half of them dead ; but seeing them all upon 
their legs, and briskly firing at the smokes of the 
enemies' guns ; (for that was all that was then to 
be seen.)-]- He blessed God, and called to his men 

* As the name of Lake is not mentioned any where else in 
this history, I cannot determine who this was. 

t This was indeed very remarkable, as it appears tnat 
nothing prevented the Indians from taking deliberate aim. 
The truth of the text must not be doubted, but certainly 
Jove never worked a greater miracle in favour of the 'I rojaus 
at the siege of Troy, than Hesper now did for our heroes. 



^8 



42 PHILIP'S WAR. 

not to discharge all their guns at once, lest the ene- 
my should take the advantage of such an opportuni- 
ty to run upon them with their hatchets. 

Their next motion was immediately into the peas 
field.* When they came to the fence, Mr. Church 
bid as many as had not discharged their guns to 
clap under the fence and lie close, while the others, 
at some distance in the field, stood to charge ; hop- 
ing, that if the enemy should creep to the fence, 
(to gain a shot at those that were charging their 
guns,) they might be surprised by those that lie un- 
der the fence. But casting his eyes to the side of 
the hill above them, the hill seemed to move, being 
covered over with Indians, with their bright guns 
glittering in the sun, and running in a circumference 
with a design to surround them. 

Seeing such multitudes surrounding him and his 
little company, it put him upon thinking what was 
become of the boats that were ordered to attend him, 
and looking up, he spied them ashore at Sandy- 
point,f on the island side of the river, J with a num- 
ber of horse and foot by them, and wondered what 
should be the occasion ; until he was afterwards in- 
formed that the boats had been over that morning 
from the island, and had landed a party of men at 
Fogland, that were designed in Punkatees neck to 
fetch off some cattle and horses, but were am- 

* (Tiverton shore about half a mile above Fogland ferry.) 

The situation of Punkatees is given in a preceding note. 

It contains nearly two square miles, and it is sufficient to 

know that it contained the ground on which this battle was 

fought. 

t There are two Sandy points on the Rhodeisland shore, 
one above and the other below Fogland ferry; this was that 
above. Fogland ferry connects the island with Punkatees 
and is near the middle of it. 

$ The bay is meant. It being narrow, or from three 
fourths to a mile wide, is sometimes called a river, and in the 
old charters, Narraganset river. See Douglass, I, 398. 



i 



PHILIP'S WAR. 43 

buscaded, and many of them wounded by the ene- 
my.* 

Now our gentleman's courage and conduct were 
both put to the test. He encouraged his men, and 
orders some to run and take a wall for shelter be- 
fore the enemy gained it. It was time for them now 
to think of escaping if they knew which way. Mr. 
Church orders his men to strip to their white shirts, 
that the islanders might discover them to be Eng- 
lishmen, and then orders three guns to be fired dis- 
tinctly, hoping [that] it might be observed by their 
friends on the opposite shore. The men that were 
ordered to take the wall being very hungry, stop- 
ped a while among the peas to gather a few, be- 
ing about four rods from the wall. The enemy from 
behind, hailed them with a shower of bullets. But 
soon all but one came tumbling over an old hedge, 
down the bank, where Mr. Church and the rest were, 
and told him, that his brother, B. Souihworth,f who 
was the man that was missing, was killed ; that they 
saw him fall. And so they did indeed see him fall, 
but it was without a shot, and lay no longer than till 
he had an opportunity to ciap a bullet into one of 
the enemies' foreheads, and then came running to 
his company. 

The meanness of the English powder was now 
their greatest misfortune. When they were imme- 
diately upon this beset with multitudes of Indians, 
who possessed themselves of every rock, stump, tree 
or fence, that was in sight, firing upon them without 

* It is mentioned in a later part of this history, that Mr. 
Church's servant was wounded at Pocasset, while there after 
cattle. This is the time alluded to. Hubbard, 86, says that 
" five men coming from Rhodeisland, to look up their cattle 
upon Pocasset neck, were assaulted by the same Indians ; 
one of the five was Captain Church's servant, who had his 
leg broken in the skirmish, the rest hardly escaping with 
their lives ;" and, that "this was the first time that ever any 
mischief was done by the Indians upon Pocasset neck.' 
This was on the same day of the battle of Punkaiees. 

t Brother in law to Mr. Church 



44 PHILIP'S WAR. 

ceasing , while they had no other shelter bus a smal 
bank, and bit of a water fence.* And yet, to add to 
the disadvantage of this little handful of distressed 
men, the Indians also possessed themselves of the 
ruins of a stone house, that overlooked them. So that, 
now, they had no way to prevent lying quite open to 
some or other of the enemy, but to heap up stones 
before them, as they did ; and still bravely and won- 
derfully defended themselves against all the num- 
bers of the enemy. 

At length came over one of the boats from the isl- 
and shore, but the enemy plied their shot so warmly 
to her, as made her keep at soiae distance. Mr. 
Church desired them to send their canoe ashore, to 
fetch them on board ; but n6 persuasions nor argu- 
ments could prevail with them to bring their canoe 
to shore ; which some of Mr. Church's men per- 
ceiving, began to cry out, for God's sake to take 
them off, for their ammunition was spent ! &c. Mr. 
Church being sensible of the danger of the enemy's 
hearing their complaints, and being made acquaint- 
ed with the weakness and scantiness of their ammuni- 
tion, fiercely called to the boat's master, and bid 
him either send his canoe ashore, or else be gone 
presently, or he would fire upon him. 

Away goes the boat, and leaves them still to shift 
for themselves. But then another difficulty arose; 
the enemy, seeing the boat leave them, were reani- 
mated, and fired thicker and faster than ever. Up- 
on which, some of the men, that were lightest of foot, 
began to talk of attempting an escape by flight, un- 
til Mr. Church solidly convinced them of the im- 
practicableness of it, and encouraged them yet. [He] 
told them, that he had observed so much of the re- 
markable, and wonderful providence of God, [in] 

* This indeed will compare with Lovewell's Fight. That 
hero, to prevent being quite encompassed, retreated to the 
shore of a pond The particulars of which will be found m 
the continuation of this history. See .Appendix, XI. 



i= 



PHILIP'S WAR. 45 

hitherto preserving them, that it encouraged him to 
believe, with much confidence, that God would yet 
preserve them ; that not a hair of their heads should 
fall to the ground ; bid them be patient, courageous, 
and prudently sparing of their ammunition, and he 
made no doubt but they should come well off yet, 
&c. [Thus] until his little army again resolved, 
one and all, to stay with, and stick by him. One of 
them, by Mr. Church's order, was pitching a flat 
stone up on end before him in the sand, when a bul- 
let from the enemy with a full force, struck the 
stone while he was pitching it on end, which put 
the poor fellow to a miserable start, till Mr. Church 
called upon him to observe how God directed the 
bullets, that the enemy could not hit him when in 
the same place, [and] yet could hit the stone as it 
was erected. 

While they were thus making the best defence 
they could against their numerous enemies, that 
made the woods ring with their constant yelling and 
shouting. And night coming on, somebody told 
Mr. Church, [that] they spied a sloop up the river 
as far as Goldisland,* that seemed to be coming 
down towards them. He looked up and told them, 
that, succour was now coming, for he believed it was 
Captain Golding,f whom he knew to be a man for 
business, and would certainly fetch them off if he 
came. The wind being fair, the vessel was soon 
with them, and Captain Golding it was. Mr. Church 
(as soon as they came to speak with one another) 
desired him to come to anchor at such a distance 
from the shore, that he might veer out his cable, and 
ride afloat ; and let slip his canoe, that it might 

* A very small ledgy island a little to the south of the stone 
bridge, near the middle of the stream, and about 4 or 5 miles 
from where they were. 

1 1 find nothing relating to this gentleman excepting what 
is found in this history. We may infer that he was a man of 
worth and confidence, by Mr. Church's entrusting him with 
an important post at the fight when Philip was killed. 



46 PHILIP'S WAR. 

drive a shore ; which directions Captain Golding 
observed. But the enemy gave him such a warm 
salute, that his sails, colours and stern were full of 
bullet holes. 

The canoe came ashore, but was so small that 
she would not bear above two men at a time ; and 
when two were got aboard they turned her loose to 
drive a shore for two more. And the sloop's compa- 
ny kept the Indians in play the while. But when at 
last it came to Mr. Church's turn to go aboard, he 
had left his hat and cutlass at the well, where he 
went to drink when he first came down ; he told his 
company, [that] he would never go off and leave 
his hat and cutlass for the Indians, [that] they should 
never have that to reflect upon him. Though he 
was much dissuaded from it, yet he would go and 
fetch them. He put all the powder he had left into 
his gun, (and a poor charge it was) and went pre- 
senting his gun at the enemy, until he took up what 
he went for. At his return he discharged his gun 
at the enemy, to bid them farewell for that time ; 
but had not powder enough to carry the bullet half 
way to them. Two bullets from the enemy struck 
the canoe as he went on board, one grazed the hair 
of his head a little before, another stuck in a small 
stake that stood right against the middle of his 
breast.* 

Now this gentleman with his army, making in all 
twenty men, himself and his pilot being numbered 
with them, got all safe on board, after six hours en- 
gagement with three hundred Indians; [of] whose 
numbers we were told afterwards by some of them- 

* The lofty and elegant lines of Barlow, on the conduct of 
Gen. Putnam at the battle of Bunker's hill, will admirably 
a~"ply to our hero. 

" There strides bold Putnam, and from all the plains 
Calls the tired troops, the tardy rear sustains, 
And mid the whizzing balls that skim the lowe 
Waves back his sword, defies the following foe." 

Columbiad, B. V. 562 &e. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 47 

selves.* A deliverance which that good gentleman 
often mentions to the glory of God, and his protect- 
ing providence. 

The next day,f meeting with the rest of his little 
company,;]; whom he had left at Pocasset, (that had 
also a small skirmish with the Indians and had two 
men wounded) they returned to the Mounthope gar- 
rison, which Mr. Church used to call the losing 
fort. 

Mr. Church then returned to the island, to seek 
provision for the army. [There he] meets with Al- 
derman,<§> a noted Indian, that was just come over 
from the squaw Sachem's cape of Pocasset, having 
deserted from her, and brought over his family, who 
gave him an account of the state of the Indians, 
and where each of the Sagamore's headquarters 
was. Mr. Church then discoursed • with some, who 
knew the spot well, where the Indians said Weeta- 
more's|| headquarters were, and offered their service 
to pilot him [to it.] 

With this news he hastened to the Mounthope 
garrison, [and] the army expressed their readiness to 
embrace such an opportunity. 

All the ablest soldiers were now immediately drawn 
off, equipped and despatched upon this design, un- 
der the command of a certain officer.1T And having 
marched about two miles, viz., until they came to 

* Hubbard 85, says that there were seven or eight scores. 
Mather, following him, says there were " an hundred and 
almost five times fifteen terrible Indians." Magnalia, II, 

488. 

t July 19. 

J On Rhodeisland. Mr. Church and his company were 
transported there, as were Capt. Fuller and his company be- 
fore. See note 1 on page 89. 

§ The Indian that killed Philip. 

|j (Squaw Sachem of Pocasset.) 

An account of this "old Q,ueen" has been given. Sec 
note 2 on page 27. 

IT I have not learned this officer's name, but it was Capt 
Henchman's Lieutenant. 



43 PHILIP'S WAR. 

the cove mat lies southwest from the Mount where 
orders were given for a halt. The commander in 
chief told them [that] he thought it proper to take 
advice before he went any further ; called Mr. 
Church and the pilot and asked them how they knew 
that Philip and all his men were not by that time got 
to Weetamore's camp; or that all her own men 
were not by that time returned to her again, with 
many more frightful questions. Mr. Church told 
him [that] they had acquainted him with as much as 
they knew, and that for his part he could discover 
nothing that need to discourage them from proceed- 
ing ; that he thought it so practicable, that he with 
the pilot, would willingly lead the way to the spot, 
and hazard the brunt. But the chief commander in- 
sisted on this, that the enemy's numbers were so 
great, and he did not know what numbers more 
might be added unto them by that time ; and his. 
company so small, that he could not think it practi- 
cable to attack them ; adding moreover, that if he 
were sure of killing all the enemy and knew that he 
must lose the life of one of his men in the action, 
he would not attempt it. " Pray sir, then," replied 
Mr. Church, [ — ]* " lead your company to yonder 
windmill on Rhodeisland, and there they will be out 
of danger of being killed by the enemy, and we 
shall have less trouble to supply them with provi- 
sions. "* But return he would and did unto the gar- 
rison until more strength came to them, and a sloop 
to transport them to Fallriver,f in order to visit 
Weelamore's camp. 

i [Please to.] 

*The action related in the next paragraph was not until 
they returned ; though it might he understood that Church 
went " out on a discovery" hefore. 

t (South part of Freetown.) 

It is in the town of Troy, which was taken from Freetown. 
Fallriver is a local name, derived from a stream that empties 
into the bay about a mile above Tiverton line. Probably no 
place in the United States contains so many factories in 
so small a compass as this 



PHILIPS WAIL 49 

Mr. Church, one Baxter, and Captain Hunter, an 
Indian, proffered to go out on the discovery on the 
left wing, which was accepted. They had not 
marched above a quarter of a mile before they start- 
ed three of the enemy. Captain Hunter wounded 
one of them in the knee, who when he came up [to 
him] he discovered to be his near kinsman. The 
captive desired favour for his squaw, if she should 
fall into their hands, but asked none for himself; ex- 
cepting the liberty of taking a whiff of tobacco; 
and while he was taking his whiff his kinsman, with 
one blow of his hatchet, despatched him. 

Proceeding to Weetamore's camp they were dis- 
covered by one of the enemy, who ran in and gave 
information. Upon which a lusty young fellow left 
his meat upon his spit, # running hastily out, told his 
companions [that] he would kill an Englishman be- 
fore he ate his dinner ; but failed of his design ; being 
no sooner out than shot down. The enemies' fires, 
and what shelter they had, were by the edge of a 
thick cedar swamp, into which on this alarm they 
betook themselves, and the English as nimbly pursu- 
ed; but were soon commanded back by their chief- 
tain, [but not until] 1 they were come within [the] 
hearing of the cries of their women and children; 
and so ended that exploit. But returning to their 
sloop the enemy pursued them, and wounded two of 
their men. The next day they returned to ths 
Mounthope garrison. f 

1 [after] 

* (Probably a wooden spit.) " 

f These operations took up about four or five days, hence 
we have arrived to the 13 or 14 July. In the course of which 
lime, fourteen or fifteen of <the enemy were killed. See 
Hubbard, 87. Holmes, I, 422. These individual efforts 
were of far more consequence than the manoeuvres of the 
main army during the same time; yet Hutchinson, H. Adams, 
and some others sine* thought them not worth mention- 
ing:. 

c 



50 PHILIP'S WAR. 

Soon after this was Philip's headquarteis visited* 
by some other English forces, but Philip, and his gang 
had the very fortune to escape, that Weetamore and 
hers (but now mentioned) had. They took into a 
swamp, and their pursuers were commanded back. 

After this Dartmouth's! distresses required succour, 
fa] great part of the town being laid desolate, and 
many of the inhabitants killed. The most of Ply- 

* A particular account of this affair from our author, would 
have been gratifying. But most other historians before and since 
him, have been elaborate upon it. 

In consequence of the intelligence gained by Mr. Church, the 
army, after finishing the treaty with the Narragansets, before 
named, moved to Taunton, where they arrived the 17 July, in 
the evening; and on the 18, marched to attack Philip, who was 
now in a great swamp, adjacent to, and on the east side of 
Taunton river. The army did not arrive until late in the day, 
but soon entered resolutely into the swamp. The underwood 
was thick, and the foe could not be seen. The first that 
entered were shot down, but the rest rushing on, soon forced 
them from their hiding places, and took possession of their 
wigwams, about 100 in number. Night coming on, each 
was in danger from his fellow; firing at every bush that 
seemed to shake. A retreat was now ordered. Conclud- 
ing that Philip was safely hemmed in, the Massachusetts forces 
marched to Boston, and the Connecticut troops, being the 
greatest sufferers, returned home ; leaving those of Ply-mouth to 
starve out the enemy. Trumbull's Connecticut, I, 332. Ibid. 
U. S. I, 140. This movement of the army has been very much 
censured. Had they pressed upon the enemy the next day, it is 
thought they would have been easily subdued. But Philip and 
his warriours, on the 1 August, before day, passed the river on 
rafts, and in great triumph, marched off into the country 
of the Nipmucks. About 16 of the English were killed. 
Ibid. Mather, II, 488, says that Philip left a hundred of his 
people behind who fell into the hands of the English. It is 
said that Philip had a brother killed in this fight, who was a 
chief Captain, and had been educated at Harvard College. 
Hutch. I, 265. 

f That part of Dartmouth which was destroyed is about 5 
miles S. W. from Newbedford, and known by the name of 
Aponaganset. Tjie early histories give us no particulars about* 
the affair, and few mention it at all. Many of the inhabitants 
moved to Rhodeisland. Middleborough, then called Nemasket, 
about this time was mostly burned ; probably, while the t; eaty 
was concluding with the Narragansets. 



FHILIP'fc} WAR. 51 

mouth forces were ordered thither. A. d coming to 
Russell's garrison* at Ponaganset,f they met with a 
number of the enemy, that had surrendered them- 
selves prisoners on terms promised by Captain Eels 
of the garrison, and Ralph Earl,J who persuaded 
them (by a friend Indian he had employed) to come 
in. And had their promise to the Indians been kept, 
and the Indians fairly treated, it is probable that, 

* The cellars of this old garrison are still to be seen. They 
are on the north bank of Aponaganset about a mile from 
its mouth. I was informed by an inhabitant on the spot, that 
considerable manoeuvring went on here in those days. The 
Indians had a fort on the opposite side of the river, and used 
to show themselves, and act all manner of mockery, to aggra- 
vate the English ; they being at more than a common gunshot off. 
At one time one made his appearance, and turned his backside in 
defiance, as usual ; but some one having an uncommonly long gun 
fired upon him and put an end to his mimickry. 

A similar story is told by the people of Middleborough, 
which took place a little north of the town house, across the 
Nemasket. The distance of the former does not render the 
story so improbable as that of the latter, but circumstances are 
more authentick. The gun is still shown which performed 
the astonishing feat. The distance, some say is nearly half a 
mile, which is considerable ground of improbability. That a 
circumstance of this kind occurred at both these places, too, is a 
doubt. But it is true that a fight did take place across the 
river at Middleborough. The Indians came to the river and 
burned a grist mill which stood near the present site of the 
lower factory, and soon after drew off. The affair has been 
acted over by the inhabitants as a celebration not many years 
since. 

f (In Dartmouth.) 

The word is generally pronounced as it is spelled in the text, 
but is always, especially of late, written Aponaganset. Mr. 
Douglass, it appears learned this name Polyganset, when he took 
v a survey of the country. See his Summary, 1, 403. 

1 1 can find no mention of these two gentlemen in any of the 
histories. But their names are sufficiently immortalized by their 
, conduct in opposing the diabolical acts of government for selling 
prisoners as slaves. It is possible that they might decline serving 
any more in the war, alter being so much abused; and hence 
were not noticed by the historians, who also pass over this black 
page of our history as lightly as possible. 



1 



2 PHILIPS WAR. 

most, if not all, the Indians in those parts had soon 
followed the example of those, who had now surren- 
dered themselves, which would have been a good 
step towards finishing the war. But in spite of all 
that Captain Eels, 4 Church or Earl could say, argue, 
plead or beg, somebody else that had more power in 
their hands, improved it. And without any regard 
to the promises made them on their surrendering them- 
selves, they were carried away to Plymouth, there sold, 
and transported out of the country, being about eight 
score persons.* An action so hateful to Mr. Church, 
that he opposed it, to the loss of the good will and 
respects of some that before were his good friends. 

But while these things were acting at Dartmouth, 
Philip made his esaape;t leaving his country, fled 
over Taunton river, and Rehoboth plain, and Patux- 
etj river, where Captain Edmunds§ of Providence, 
made some spoil upon him, and had probably done 
more, but was prevented by the coming of a superi- 
our officer, that put him by.|| 

*With regret it is mentioned that the venerable John Win- 
throp was Governour of Connecticut, (Connecticut and Newhaven 
now forming but one colony) the Hon. John Leverett of 
Massachusetts, and the Hon. Josiah Winslow of Plymouth. 
Rhodeisland, because they chose freedom rather than slavery, 
had not been admitted into the Union. From this history it 
would seem that one Cranston was Governour of Rhode- 
island at this time; but that colony appears not to be implicated 
in this as well as many other acts of maleadministration. See 
note 2 on page 38. 

f An account of which is given in note 1, page 50. 

I Douglass wrote this word Patuket, as it is now pronounced. 
Summary, 1, 400. It is now often written Patuxet. It is Black- 
stone river, or was so called formerly. 

§ I find no other account of this officer in the Indian wars, 
only what is hinted at in this history ; from which it appears 
that he was more than once employed, and was in the east- 
ern war. 

|| Hubbard, 91, says that Philip had about thirty of his 
party killed ; but he takes no notice of Capt. Edmunds' being 
•put by. He said that Capt. Henchman came up to them, 



PHILIP'S WAR. 53 

And now another fort was built at Pocasse .* tha* 

S roved as troublesome and chargeable as that at 
lounthope ; and the remainder of the summer was 
improved in providing for the forts and forces there 
maintained; while our enemies were fled some hun. 
dreds of miles into the country near as far as Alba- 
ny-t 

but not till the skirmish was over. " But why Philip was 
followed no further," he says, is better to suspend than too criti- 
cally to inquire into." Hence we may conclude that the pursuit 
was countermanded by Capt. Henchman, who when too late 
followed after the enemy without any success. 

*The fort here meant was built to prevent Philip's escape 
from the swamp before mentioned. See note 1, on page 50. 
Mr. Church appears early to have seen the folly of fort building 
under such circumstances. While that at Mounthope was 
building, he had seen Philip gaining time; and while this was 
building to confine him to a swamp, he was marching off in 
triumph. 

f Here appears a large chasm in our history including about 
four months, namely, from the escape of Philip on the 1 August, 
to December; during which time many circumstances transpired 
worthy of notice, and necessary to render this history more 
perfect. Mr. Church appears to have quitted the war, and is, 
perhaps, with his family. 

Philip having taken up his residence among the Nipmucks or 
Nipnets, did not fail to engage them in his cause. 

On the 14 July a party killed 4 or 5 people at Mendon a town 
37 miles southwest of Boston. 

August 2, Capt. Hutchinson with 20 horsemen went to re- 
new the treaty with those Indians at a place appointed, near 
Quabaog, (now Brookfield) a town about 60 miles nearly 
west from Boston; but on arriving at the place appointed, 
the Indians did not appear. So he proceeded 4 or 5 miles 
beyond, towards their chief town, when all at once, some hun- 
dreds of them fired upon the company. Eight were shot, 
down, and eight others were wounded. Among the latter was 
Capt. Hutchinson who died soon after. The remainder escaped 
to Quabaog, and the Indians pursued them. But tl>e Eng- 
lish arrived in time to warn the inhabitants of the danger, 
who with themselves crowded into one house. The other 
houses (about 20) were immediately burned down. They 
next besieged the house containing the inhabitants (about 70) 
and the soldiers. This they exerted themselves to fire also. 



1 



54 PHILIPS WAR. 

And now strong suspicions began to arise of the 
Narraganset* Indians, that they were ill affected and 

with various success for two days, and on the third they 
nearly effected their object by a stratagem. They rilled a 
cart with combustibles and set it on fire, and by means of 
splicing poles together had nearly brought the flames in con- 
tact with the house, when Major Willard arrived with 48 
dragoons and dispersed them. See American Ann. I, 423, 
424. 

The Indians about Hadley, who had hitherto kept up the 
show of friendship, now deserted their dwellings and drew off 
after Philip. Toward the last of August, Capt. Beers and 
Capt. Lothrop pursued and overtook them, and a fierce battle 
was fought, in which 10 of the English and 26 Indians were 
killed. 

September 1, they burned Deerfield and killed one of the 
inhabitants. The same day (being a fast) they fell upon Had- 
ley while the people were at meeting, at which they were over- 
come with confusion. At this crisis, a venerable gentleman 
in singular attire appeared among them, and putting himself 
at their head, rushed upon the Indians and dispersed them, 
then disappeared. The inhabitants thought an angel had ap- 
peared, and led tliem to victory. But it was General GofFe, 
one of the Judges of King Charles I, who was secreted in 
the town. See President Stiles' history of the Judges, 109, and 
Holmes, I, 424. 

About 1 1 September Capt. Beers with 36 men went up the 
river to observe how things stood at a new plantation called 
Squakeag, now Northfield. The Indians a few days before 
(but unknown to them) had fallen upoji the place and killed 9 
or 10 persons, and now laid in ambush for the English, whom 
it appears they expected. They had to march nearly 30 miles 
through a hideous forest. On arriving, within three miles 
of the place, they were fired upon by a host of enemies, and a 
large proportion of their number fell. The others gained an 
eminence and fought bravely till their Captain was slain, when 
they fled in every direction. Sixteen only escaped. Hubbard, 
107. 

On the 18th following, as Capt. Lothrop with 80 men was 

guarding some carts from Deerfield to Hadley, they were 

fallen 

* It was believed that the Indians generally returned from the 
western frontier along the Connecticut, and took up their winter 
quarters among the Narragansets; but whether Philip did is 
uncertain. Some suppose that he visited the Mohawks and 
Canada Indians for assistance. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 



55 



designed mischief. And so the event soon discov- 
ered. The next winter they began their hostilities 
upon the English. The united colonies then agreed 
to send an army to suppress them : Governour Wins- 
low to command the army.* 

He undertaking the expedition, Invited Mr. Church 
to command a company, [ — J 1 which he declined; 
1 [in the expedition] 

fallen upon, and, including teamsters, 90 were slain; 7 or 8 only 
escaped. Ibid. 108. 

October 5, the Springfield Indians having been joined by about 
300 of Philip's men began the destruction of Springfield. But 
the attack being expected, Major Treat was sent for, who was 
then at Westfield, and arrived in time to save much of the 
town from the flames, but, 32 houses were consumed. Holmes, 
1,425. 

October 19, Hatfield was assaulted on all sides by 7 or 800 
Indians, but there being a considerable number of men well pre- 
pared to receive them, obliged them to flee without doing much 
damage. A few out buildings were burned, and some of the 
defenders killed, but we have no account how many. Holmes, I. 
425, says this affair took place at Hadley; but Hubbard whom 
he cites, 116, says it was at Hatfield. The places are only sepa- 
rated by a bridge over the Connecticut, and were formerly included 
under the same name. 

Mr. Hoyt in his Antiquarian Researches, 136, thinks that 
it was in this attack that Gen. Goffe made his appearance, 
because Mr. Hubbard takes no notice of an attack upon that 
place in Sept. 1675, which, if there had been one, it would 
not have escaped his notice. But this might have been un- 
noticed by Mr. Hubbard as well as some other affairs of the 
war. 

Thus are some of the most important events sketched in our 
hero's absence, and we may now add concerning him what Homer 
did of Achilles' return to the siege of Troy. 

Then great Achilles, terror of the plain, 
Long lost to battle, shone in arms again. 

Iliad, II, B. XX, 57. 

*It was to consist of 1000 men and what friendly Indians 
would join them. Massachusetts was to furnish 527, Ply- 
mouth 158, Connecticut 315. Major Robert Treat with those 
of Connecticut, Major Bradford with those of Plymouth, 
and Major Samuel Appleton with those of Massachusetts. 
The whole under Gen. Josiah Winslow. American Annals, 
1,426. 



56 PHILIP'S WAR. 

craving excuse from taking [a] commission, [but] 
he promises to wait upon him as a Reformatio [a vo- 
lunteer] through the expedition. Having rode with 
the General to Boston, and from thence to Rehoboth, 
upon the General's request he went thence the near- 
est way over the ferries, with Major Smith,* to his 
garrison in the Narraganset country, to prepare and 
provide for the coming of General Winslow, who 
marched round through the country with his army 
proposing by night to surprise Pumham,j* a certair 
Narraganset sachem, and his town ; but being aware 
of the approach of our army, made their escape in- 
to the desertsj. But Mr. Church meeting with fair 
winds, arrived safe at the Major's garrison in the 
evening,§ and soon began to inquire after the ene- 
my's resorts, wigwams or sleeping places; and hav- 
ing gained some intelligence, he proposed to the El- 
dridges and some other brisk hands that he met with, 
to attempt the surprising of some of the enemy, to 
make a present of, to the General, when he should 
arrive, which might advantage his design. Being 
brisk blades they readily complied with the mo- 
tion, and were soon upon their march. The night 
was very cold, but blessed with the moon. Before 

*This gentleman, Mr. Hubbard informs us, Nar. 128, lived in 
Wickford where the army was to take up its head-quarters. 
Wickford is about 9 miles N. W. from Newport on Narraganset 
bay. 

f (Sachem of Shawomot or Warwick.) 

This Sachem had signed the treaty in July, wherein such great 
faith and fidelity were promised. See note 3 on page 36. A few 
days before the great swamp fight at Narraganset Capt. Prentice 
destroyed his town after it was deserted. But in July, 1676, he 
was killed by some of the Massachusetts men, near Dedham. A 
grandson of his was taken before this, by a party under Capt. 
Denlson, who was esteemed the best soldier and most warlike of 
all the Narraganset chiefs. Trumbull, I, 345. 

JIt appears that all did not escape into the deserts. The 
heroick Capt. Mosely captured 36 on his way to Wickford. 

§ December 11. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 57 

the day broke they effected their exploit; and, by 
the rising of the sun, arrived at the Major's garrison, 
where they met the general, and presented him with 
eighteen of the enemy, [which] they had captivated , 
The General, pleased with the exploit, gave them 
thanks particularly to Mr. Church, the mover and 
chief actor of the business. And sending two of 
them (likely boys) [as] a present to Boston; [and] 
smiling on Mr. Church, told him, that he made no 
doubt but his faculty would supply them with Indian 
boys enough before the war was ended. 

Their next move was to a swamp,* which the In- 
dians had fortified with a fort.f Mr. Church rode in 
the General's guard when the bloody engagement 

* Hubbard, 136, says that the army was piloted to this place 
by one Peter, a fugitive Indian, who fled from the Narragansets, 
upon some discontent, and to him they were indebted, in a great 
measure for their success. How long before the army would 
have found the enemy, or on what part of the fort they would 
have fallen, is uncertain. It appears that had they come upon 
any other part, they must have been repulsed. Whether this 
Peter was the son of Awashonks, or Peter Nunnuit, the husband 
of Weetamore, the Queen of Pocasset, is uncertain. But Mr. 
Hubbard styles him a fugitive from the Narragansets. If he 
were a Narraganset, he was neither. • 

f Before this, on the 14, a scout under Sergeant Bennet killed 
two and took four prisoners. The rest of the same company, 
in ranging the country, came upon a town, burned 150 wigwams, 
killed 7 of the enemy and brought in eight prisoners. On 
the 15, some Indians came under the pretence of making 
peace, and on their return killed several of the English, who 
were scattered on their own business. Captain Mosely, while 
escorting Maj. Appleton's men to quarters, was fired upon 
by 20 _ or 30 of the enemy from behind a stone wall, but 
were immediately dispersed, leaving one dead. On the 16 
they received the news that Jerry Bull's garrison at Petty- 
quamscot, was burned, and fifteen persons killed. On the 18, 
the Connecticut forces arrived, who on their way had taken and 
killed 1 1 of the enemy. The united forces now set out, Dec. 
19, for the headquarters of the enemy. The weather was 
severely cold and much snow upon the the ground. They 
arrived upon the borders of the swamp about one o'clock. Hub- 
bard, 128 to 130. 



58 HILIP'S WAR. 

began. But bein^ impatient of being out of the 
heat of the action, importunately begged leave of the 
General, that he might run down to the assistance oi 
his friends. The General yielded to his request, 
provided he could rally some hands to go with him. 
Thirty men immediately drew out and followed him. 
They entered the swamp, and passed over the log, 
that was the passage into the fort, where they saw 
many men and several valiant Captains lie slain.* 
Mr. Church spying Captain Gardner of Salem 
amidst the wigwams in the east end of the fort, made 
towards him; but on a sudden, while they were 
looking each other in the face, Captain Gardner set- 
tled down. Mr. Church stepped to him, and seeing 
the blood run down his cheek lifted up his cap, and 
calling him by his name, he looked up in rris face 
but spake not a word; being mortally shot through 
the head. And observing his wound, Mr. Church 
found the ball entered his head on the side that was 
next the upland, where the English entered the 
swamp. Upon which, having ordered some care to 
be taken of the Captain, he despatched information 
to the General, that the best and forwardest of his 
army, that hazarded their lives to enter the fort upon 
the muzzles of the enemy's guns, were shot in their 
backs, and killed by them that lay behind. Mr. 
Church with his small company, hastened out of the 
fort (that the English were now possessed of) to get 
a shot at the Indians that were in the swamp, 
and kept firing upon them. He soon met with a 
broad and bloody track where the enemy had fled 
with their wounded men. Following hard in the 
track, he soon spied one of the enemy, who clapped 
his gun across his breast, made towards Mr. Church, 
and beckoned to him with his hand. Mr. Church 
immediately commanded no man to hurt him, hop- 

* Six Captains were klled. Captains Davenport, Gardiner and 
Johnson of Massachusetts; Gallop, Siely and Marshall of 
Connecticut. No mention is made that any officers were killed 
belonging to Plymouth. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 59 

Jig by him to have gained some intelligence of the 
enemy, that might be of advantage. But it unhap- 
pily fell out, that a fellow that had lagged behind, 
coming up, shot down the Indian; to Mr. Church's 
great grief and disappointment. But immediately 
they heard a great shout of the enemy, which seem- 
ed to be behind them or between them and the fort ; 
and discovered them running from tree to tree to gain 
advantages of firing upon the English that were in 
the fort. Mr. Church's great difficulty now was 
how to discover himself to his friends in the fort; 
using several inventions, till at length he gained an 
opportunity to call to, and informed a Sergeant in 
the fort, that he was there and might be exposed to 
their shots, unless they observed it. By this time he 
discovered a number of the enemy, almost within 
shot of him, making towards the fort. Mr. Church 
and his company were favoured by a heap of brush 
that was between them, and the enemy, and pre- 
vented their being discovered to them. Mr. Church 
had given his men their particular orders for firing 
upon the enemy. And as they were rising up to 
make their shot, the aforementioned Sergeant in the 
fort, called out to them, for God's sake not to fire, 
for he believed they were some of their friend In- 
dians. They clapped down again, but were soon 
sensible of the Sergeant's mistake. The enemy got 
to the top of the tree, the body whereof the Sergeant 
stood upon, and there clapped down out of sight 
of the fort; but all this while never discovered Mr. 
Church, who observed them to keep gathering unto 
that place until there seemed to be a formidable 
black heap of them. "Now brave boys," said Mr. 
Church to his men, "if we mind our hits we may 
have a brave shot, and let our sign for firing on them, 
be their rising to fire into the fort." It was not long 
before the Indians rising up as one body, designing 
to pour a volley into the fort, when our Church 
nimbly started up, and gave them such a round vol- 



60 PHILIP'S WAR. 

ley, and unexpected clap on their backs, that they 
who escaped with their lives, were so surprised, that 
they scampered, they knew not whither themselves. 
About a dozen of them ran right over the log into 
the fort, and took into a sort of hovel that was built 
with poles, after the manner of a corn crib. Mr. 
Church's men having their cartridges fixed, were 
soon ready to obey his orders, which were immedi- 
ately to charge and run [ — ]* upon the hovel and over- 
set it; calling as he ran on, to some that were in the 
fort, to assist him in oversetting it. They no sooner 
came to face the enemy's shelter, but Mr. Church 
discovered that one of them had found a hole to 
X)int his gun through right at him. But however 
^he] encouraged his company, and ran right on, till 
le was struck with three bullets; one in his thigh. 
which was near half cut off as it glanced on the 
joint of his hip bone; another through the gather- 
ings of his breeches and drawers with a small flesh 
wound; a third pierced his pocket, and wounded a 
pair of mittens that he had borrowed of Captain 
rrentice; being wrapped up together, had the mis- 
fortune of having many holes cut through them with 
one bullet. But however he made shift to keep on 
his legs, and nimbly discharged his gun at them that 
had wounded him. Being disabled now to go a step, 
his men would have carried him off, but he forbid 
their touching of him, until they had perfected their 
project of oversetting the enemy's shelter; bid them 
run, for now the Indians had no guns charged. 
While he was urging them to run on, the Indians be- 
gan to shoot arrows, and with one pierced through 
the arm of an Englishman that had hold of Mr. 
Church's arm to support him. The English, in short, 
were discouraged and drew back. And by this 
time the English people in the fort had begun to set 
fire to the wigwams and houses in the fort, which 
Mr. Church laboured hard to prevent. They told him 
»[on] 



PHILIP'S WAR. 61 

[that] they had orders from the General to burn 
them. He begged them to forbear until he had dis- 
coursed with the General. And hastening to him, 
he begged to spare the wigwams, &c, in the fort 
from fire. [And] told him [that] the wigwams were 
musket proof; being all lined with baskets and tubs 
of grain and other provisions, sufficient to supply 
the whole army, until the spring of the year, and 
every wounded man might have a good warm house 
to lodge in, who otherwise would necessarily perish 
with the storms and cold; and moreover that the 
army had no other provisions to trust unto or depend 
upon; that he knew that the Plymouth forces had 
not so much as one [biscuit] 1 left, for he had seen 
their last dealt out, &c* The General advising a 
few words with the gentlemen that were about him 
moved towards the fort, designing to ride in himself 
and bring in the whole army ; but just as he was en- 
tering the swamp one of his Captains met him, and 
asked him, whither he was going? He told him "In- 
to the fort." The Captain laid hold of his horse 
and told him, [that] his life was worth an hundred of 
theirs, and [that] he should not expose himself. The 
General told him, that, he supposed the brunt was 
over, and that Mr. Church had informed him that 
the fort was taken, &c. ; and as the case was cir- 
cumstanced, he was of the mind, that it was most 
practicable for him and his army to shelter them- 
selves in the fort. The Captain in a great heat re- 
plied, that Church lied; and told the General, that, 
if he moved another step, towards the fort he would 
shoot his horse under him. Then [bristled] 2 up 

1 [biskake] 2 [brusled] 

* Thus the heroick Church discovered not only great bravery 
in battle, but judgment and forethought. Had his advice been 
taken, no doubt many lives would have been saved. It 
may be remarked, that notwithstanding Mr. Church so dis- 
tinguished himself in this fight, his name is not mentioned by our 
chief historians. 



62 PHILIP'S WAR. 

another gentleman, a certain Doctor,* and opposed 
Mr. Church's advice, and said, [that] if it were com- 
plied with, it would kill more men than the enemy- 
had killed. "For (said he) by tomorrow the wound- 
ed men will be so stiff, that there will be no moving 
of them." And looking upon Mr. Church, and see- 
ing the blood flow apace from his wounds, told him, 
that if he gave such advice as that was, he should 
bleed to death like a dog, before they would endea- 
vour to stanch his blood. Though after they had 
prevailed against his advice they were sufficiently 
kind to him. And burning up all the houses and 
provisions in the fort, the army returned the same 
night in the storm and cold. And I suppose that 
every one who is acquainted with that night's march, 
deeply laments the miseries that attended them; 
especially the wounded and dying men.f But it 
mercifully came to pass that Captain Andrew Bel- 
cherj arrived at Mr. Smith's that very night from 
Boston with a vessel laden with provisions for the 
army, which must otherwise have perished for want. 
Some of the enemy that were then in the fort have 
since informed us that, near a third of the Indians 
belonging to all the Narraganset country, were kill- 

* I have not been able to learn the name of the beforemen- 
tioned Captain nor Doctor. Perhaps it is as well if their memo- 
ries be buried in oblivion. Trumbull says that, they had the 
best surgeons which the country could produce. Hist. Con. I, 
340. In another place, I, 346, Mr. Gershom Bulkley, he says, 
"was viewed one of the greatest physicians and surgeons then 
in Connecticut." 

f What rendered their situation more intolerable, was, beside 
the severity of the cold, a tremendous storm filled the atmosphere 
with snow; through which they had 18 miles «o march before 
they arrived at their headquarters. See- Hist. Connecticut, 
1,340. 

i } The father of Governour Belcher. He lived at Cambridge, 
and was one of his Majesty's council. No one was more respect- 
ed for integrity, and it is truly said that he was " an ornament 
and blessing to his country." He died October 31, 1728, aged 
71. Eliot, 52. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 63 

ed by the English, and by the cold of thai night;* 
that they fled out of their fort so hastily, that they 
carried nothing with them, that if the English had 
kept in the fort, the Indians would certainly have 
been necessitated, either to surrender themselves to 
them, or to have perished by hunger, and the seve- 
rity of the season. f 

Some time after this fort fight, a certain Sogkon- 
ate Indian, hearing Mr. Church relate the manner 
of his being wounded, told him, [that] he did not 
know but he himself was the Indian that wounded 
him, for that he was one of that company of Indians 
that Mr. Church made a shot upon, when they were 
rising to make a shot into the fort. They were in 
number about sixty or seventy that just then came 
down from Pumham's townj and never before then 
fired a gun against the English. That when Mr.. 

* Mr. Hubbard, 135, mentions, that one Potock, a great 
counsellor among them, confessed on being taken, that the 
Indians lost 700 fighting men,, besides 300, who died of their 
wounds. Many old persons, children and wounded, no 
doubt perished in the flames. But letters from the army, at the 
time, may be seen in Hutchinson, I, 272, 273, in which the 
enemy's loss is not so highly rated. They compare better 
with the account given by our author in the next note. 

f (The swamp fight happened on December 19,* 1675, in 
which about 50 English were killed in the action, and died 
of their wounds ; and about 300 or 350 Indians, men, women 
and children were killed, and as many more captivated. f It 
is said 500 wigwams were burned with the fort, and 200 
more in other parts of Narraganset. The place of the fort 
was an elevated ground, or piece of upland, of, perhaps, 3 or 
4 acres, in the middle of a hideous swamp, about 7 miles 
nearly due west from Narraganset, south ferry.|) 

J What is now Warwick. See note 2, page 56. 

* The old copy of this history, from which I print this, gives the date, 
Dec. 29, but it must be a misprint. 

■f Perhaps later writers are more correct with regard to the loss of the 
English, than our author. It is said that there were above 80 slain, and 
150 wounded, who afterwards recovered. Hist. Con. I, 3-10. 

X The swamp where this battle was fought is in Southkingston, B hoae« 
island, situated as mentioned above 



64 PHILIP'S WAR. 

Church fired upon them he killed fourteen dead upon 
the spot, and wounded a greater number than" he 
killed. Many of which died afterwards of their 
wounds, in the cold and storm [of] the following 
night. 

Mr. Church was moved with other wounded men, 
over to Rhodeisknd, where in about three months' 
time, he was in some good measure recovered of 
his wounds, and the fever that attended them ; and 
then went over to the General* to take his leave of 
him, with a design to return home.f But the Gene- 

* General Winslow, with the Plymouth and Massachusetts 
forces, remained in the Narraganset country most of the 
winter, and performed considerable against the enemy. 
The Connecticut men under Major Treat, being much cut 
to pieces, returned home. 

t While our hero is getting better of his wounds we will 
take a short view of what is transacting abroad. 

The enemy, toward the end of January, left their country 
and moved off to the Nipmucks. A party, in their way, 
drove off 15 horses, 50 cattle and 200 sheep, from one of the 
inhabitants of Warwick. On the 10 Feb., several hundreds 
of them fell upon Lancaster ; plundered and burned a great 
part of the town, and killed or captivated forty persons. 
(Philip commanded in this attack, it was supposed.) Feb. 
21, nearly half of the town of Medfield was burned, and on 
the 25, seven or eight buildings were also burned at Wey- 
mouth. March 13, Groton was all destroyed excepting four 
garrison houses. Onthe 17, Warwick had every house burned 
save one. On the 26, Marlborough was nearly all destroyed, 
and the inhabitants deserted it. The same day Capt. Pierce 
of Scituate with fifty English and twenty friendly Indians, 
was cut off with most of his men. (For the particulars of 4 
this affair see note further onward.) On the 28, forty houses 
and thirty barns were burned at Rehoboth ; and the day 
following, about 30 houses in Providence. The main body 
of the enemy was supposed now to be in the woods between 
Brookfield and Marlborough, and Connecticut river. Capt 
Denison of Connecticut with a few brave volunteers per- 
formed signal services. In the first of April he killed and too 
44 of the enemy, and before the end of the month 76 mor. 
were killed and taken, all without the loss of a man. In the 
beginning of April the Wamesit Indians did some mischief at 
Chelmsford, on Merrimack river, to which it appears they 
natdbeen provoked. On the 17, the remaining houses at 



PHILIP'S WAR. 65 

ral's great importunity again persuaded him to acccm- 
pany him in a long march* into the Nipmuckf coun- 
try, though he had then tents in his wounds, and so 
lame as not [to be] able to mount his horse without 
two men's assistance. 

In this march, the first thing remarkable, was, they 
came to an Indian town, where there were many wig- 
wams in sight, but an icy swamp, lying between them 
and the wigwams, prevented their running at once 
upon it as they intended. There was much firing upon 
each side before they passed the swamp. But at 
length the enemy all fled, and a certain Mohegan, 
that was a friend Indian, pursued and seized one of 
the enemy that had a small wound in his leg, and 
brought him before the General, where he was exam- 
ined. Some were for torturing him to bring him 

Marlborough were consumed. The next day, 18 April, they 
came furiously upon Sudbury. (Some account of which will be 
given in an ensuing note.) Near the end of April, Scituate about 
30 miles from Boston, on the bay, had 19 houses and barns 
burned. The inhabitants made a gallant resistance and put the 
enemy to flight. May 8, they burned 17 houses and barns at 
Bridgewater, a large town about 20 miles south of Boston. 
Mather, Magnalia,II, 497, says that, "not an inhabitant was lost 
by this town during the war, neither young nor old; that when 
their dwellings were fired at this time, God, from heaven, fought 
for them with a storm of lightning, thunder and rain, whereby a 
great part of their houses were preserved." On the 11, the town 
of Plymouth had 16 houses and barns burned; and two days after 
9 more. Middleborough, 38 miles from Boston, had its few 
remaining houses burned the same day. 

These were the most distressing days that Newengland ever 
beheld. Town after town fell a sacrifice to their fury. All 
was fear and consternation. Few there were, who were not 
in mourning for some near kindred, and nothing but horrour 
stared them in the face. But we are now to see the affairs of 
Philip decline. 

* I cannot find as any other historian has taken notice of this 
expedition of the commander in chief. It appears from what is 
above stated that it was in March, 1676. 

+ (Country about Worcester, Oxford, Grafton, Dudley, &c.) 



66 PHILIP'S WAR. 

to a more ample confession of what he knew con- 
cerning his countrymen. Mr. Church, verily believ- 
ing [that] he had been ingenuous in his confession, 
interceded and prevailed for his escaping torture. 
But the army being bound forward in their march, 
and the Indian's wound somewhat disenabling him 
for travelling, it was concluded [that] he should be 
knocked on the head. Accordingly he was brought 
before a great fire, and the Mohegan that took him 
was allowed, as he desired to be, his executioner. 
Mr. Church taking no delight in the sport, framed 
an errand at some distance among the baggage 
horses, and when he had got ten rods, or thereabouts, 
from the fire, the executioner fetching a blow with 
a hatchet at the head of the prisoner, he being aware 
of the blow, dodged his head aside, and the execu- 
tioner missing his stroke, the hatchet flew out of his 
hand, and had like to have done execution where it 
was not designed. The prisoner upon his narrow 
escape broke from them that held him, and notwith- 
standing his wound, made use of his legs, and hap- 
pened to run right upon Mr. Church, who laid hold 
on him, and a close scuffle they had ; but the Indian 
having no clothes on slipped from him and ran again, 
and Mr. Church pursued [him,] 1 although being 
lame there was no great odds in the race, until the 
Indian stumbled and fell, and [then] they closed 
again — scuffled and fought pretty smartly, until the 
Indian, by the advantage of his nakedness, slipped 
from his hold again, and set out on his third race, 
with Mr. Church close at his heels, endeavouring to 
lay hold on the hair of his head, which was all the 
hold could be taken of him. And running through 
a swamp that was covered with hollow ice, it made 
so loud a noise that Mr. Church expected (but in 
vain) that some of his English friends would follow 
the noise and come to his assistance. But the In- 
dian happened *o run athwart a large tree that lay 
* [the Indian] 



PHILIP'S WAR. 67 

fallen near breast high, where he stopped and cried 
out aloud for help. But Mr. Church being soon 
upon him again, the Indian seized him fast by the 
hair of his head, and endeavoured by twisting to 
break his neck. But though Mr. Church's wounds 
had somewhat weakened him, and the Indian a stout 
fellow, yet he held him in play and twisted the In- 
dian's neck as well, and todk the advantage of many 
opportunities, while they hung by each other's hair, 
gave him notorious bunts in the face with his head. 
But in the heat of the scuffle they heard the ice 
break, with somebody's coming apace to them, which 
when they heard, Church concluded there was help 
for one or other of them, but was doubtful which of 
them must now receive the fatal stroke — anon some- 
body comes up to them, who proved to be the In- 
dian that had first taken the prisoner ; [and] with- 
out speaking a word, he felt them out, (for it was 
so dark he could not distinguish them by sight, the 
one being clothed and the other naked) he felt 
where Mr. Church's hands were fastened in the Ne- 
top's* hair and with one blow settled his hatchet in 
between them, and [thus] ended the strife. He then 
spoke to Mr. Church and hugged him in his arms, 
and thanked him abundantly for catching his prison- 
er. [He then] 1 cut off the head of his victim and 
carried it to the camp, and [after] giving an account 
to the rest of the friend Indians in the camp how 
Mr. Church had seized his prisoner, &c, they all 
joined in a mighty shout. 

Proceeding in this march they had the success of 
killing many of the enemy ; until at length their 
provisions failing, they returned home. 

King Philipf (as was before hinted) was fled to a 

i [and] 

». 

# The Netop Indians were a small tribe among the Sogko* 
oatcs. 

t It was supposed by many that Philip was at the great 
swauip fight at Narragansc in December, 1675. See note 1 



68 PHILIP'S WAR. 

place called Scattacook,* between York and Albany, 
where the Moohagsf made a descent upon him and 
killed many of his men, which moved him from 
thence, t 

His next kennelling place was at the fall§ of Con- 
necticut river, where, sometime after Captain Tur- 
ner found him, [and] came upon him by night, kill- 
ed him a great many men, and frightened many more 
into the river, that were hurled down the falls and 
drowned. || 

* It is above Albany, on the east side of the north branch 
of the Hudson, now called Hoosac river, about 15 miles from 
Albany. Smith wrote this word Scaghtahook. History N. 
York, 307. 

t (Mohawks.) 

This word according to Roger Williams, is derived from 
the word moho, which signifies to eat. Or Mohawks signifi- 
ed cannibals or man eaters among the other tribes of Indians. 
Trumbull, U. States, I, 47. Hutchinson, I, 405. This tribe 
was situated along the Mohawk river, from whom it took its 
name, and was one of the powerful Fivenations, who in 1713, 
were joined by the Tuskarora Indians, a large tribe from N. 
Carolina, and thence known by the name of the Sixna- 
tions. Williamson, N. Carolina, I, 203. Hon. De Witt 
Clinton, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 48, says the Tuskaroras 
joined the other nations in 1712. 

J Philip despairing of exterminating the English with his 
Newengland Indians resorted to the Mohawks to persuade 
them to engage in his cause. They not being willing, he 
had recourse to a foul expedient. Meeting with some Mo- 
hawks in the woods, hunting, he caused them to be murdered ; 
and then informed their friends, that the English had done 
it. But it so happened that one, which was left for dead, 
revived and returned to his friends, and informed them of 
the truth. The Mohawks in just resentment fell upon him 
and killed many of his men. Adams, Hist. N. Eng. 125. 

§ (Above Deerfield.) 

It has been suggested, and it is thought very appropriate- 
ly to call that cataract, where Capt. Turner destroyed the 
Indians, Turner's Falls. See Antiquarian Researches, 131. 

|[ Philip with a great company of his people had taken a 
stand at the fall in Connecticut river for the convenience of 
getting a supply of fish, after the destruction of their pro- 
visions a; the great swamp fight in Narraganset. Some 



Be 



PHILIP'S WAR. 69 

Philip got over the river, and on the back side of 
Wetuset* hills, meets with all the remnants of the 
Narraganset and Nipmuckf Indians, that were there 
gathered together, and became very numerous ; and 
[then] made their descent on SudburyJ and the 
adjacent parts of the country, where they met with, 

prisoners deserted and brought news to Hadley, Hatfield and 
Northampton of the Indians' situation at the falls. On the 18 
May, 160 men under Capt. Turner arrived near their quarters at 
day break. The enemy were in their wigwams asleep, and with- 
out guards. The English rushed upon them and fired as they 
rose from sleep, which so terrified them that they fled in every 
direction: crying out "Mohawks ! Mohawks!" Some ran into the 
river, some took canoes, and in their fright forgot the paddles, and 
were precipitated down the dreadful fall and dashed in pieces. 
The enemy is supposed to have lost 300. The English having 
finished the work, began a retreat ; but the Indians, on recovering 
from their terror fell upon their rear, killed Capt. Turner and 38 
of his men. See American Annals, 1, 430. Why is the name of 
Turner not found in our Biographical Dictionaries ? 

*In the north part of the present town of Princetown in 
Worcester county, about 50 miles W. of Boston. Mr. Hubbard 
wrote this word Watchuset, and Dr. Morse, Wachusett, and calls 
it a mountain. See Univ. Gaz. But in this, as well as many 
other words, the easiest way is the best way; hence Wachuset is 
to be preferred. 

f (About Rutland.) 

It was just said that the Nipmuck country was about Wor- 
cester, Oxford, &c. See note 2 on page 65. Nipmuck was a 
general name for all Indians beyond the Connecticut toward 
Canada. 

| On the 27 March, 1676, some persons of Marlborough joined 
others of Sudbury, and went in search of the enemy. They came 
upon nearly 300 of them before day asleep by their fires, and 
within half a mile of a garrison house. The English, though but 
40 in number, ventured to fire upon them ; and before they could 
arouse and escape, they had several well directed fires, killing and 
wounding about 30. On 18 April, as has been before noted, 
they furiously fell upon Sudbury, burned several houses and 
barns and killed several persons. Ten or twelve persons that 
came from Concord, 5 miles distant, to assist their friends, 
were drawn into an ambuk'i, and all killed or taken. Hubbard, 
182, 184. 



tO PHILIP'S WAR. 

and swallowed up [the] valiant Captain Wadsworth* 
and his company ; and many other doleful desolations 
in those parts. The news whereof coming to Ply- 
mouth, and they expecting [that,] probably, the ene- 
my would soon return again into their colony, the 
council of war were called together, and Mr. Church 
was sent for to them ; being observed by the whole 
colony to be a person extraordinarily qualified for, and 
adapted to the affairs of war. It was proposed in coun- 
cil, that lest the enemy in their return, should fall on 
Rehoboth, or some other of their out towns, a com- 
pany consisting of sixty or seventy men, should be 
sent into those parts, and [that] Mr. Church [be] in- 
vited to take the command of them. He told them 
that if the enemy returned into that colony again, they 

* Capt. Samuel Wadsworth, father of president Wads- 
worth of Harvard College. Capt. Wadsworth was sent from 
Boston with 50 men to relieve Marlborough. After march- 
ing 25 miles, they were informed that the enemy had gone 
toward Sudbury ; so without stopping to take any rest, they 
pursued after them. On coming near the town, a party oi 
the enemy were discovered, and pursued about a mile into 
the woods, when on a sudden they were surrounded on all 
sides by 500 Indians, as was judged. No chance of escape 
appeared. This little band of brave men now resolved to 
fight to the last man. They gained an eminence, which 
they n.aintained for some time ; at length, night approach- 
ing, they began to scatter, which gave the enemy the advan- 
tage, and nearly every one was slain. This was a dreadful 
blow to the country. It is not certain that any ever escaped 
to relate the sad tale. President Wadsworth erected a monu- 
ment where this battle was fought with this inscription. 

" Captain Samuel Wadsworth of Milton, his Lieutenant 
Snarp of Brookline, Captain Broclebank of Rowley, with 
about Twenty Six* other souldiers, fighting for the defence 
of their country, were slain by the Indian enemy April 18th, 
1676, and lye buried in this place." 

" This monument stands to the west of Sudbury causeway, 
about one mile southward of the church in old Sudbury, and 
about a quarter of a mile from the great road, that leads 
from Worcester to Boston." Holmes, I, 429. Sudbury is 
about 22 miles from Boston. 

* Supposed to b 'he number of bodies found. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 71 

might reasonably expect that they would come very 
numerous, and if he should take the command of 
men he should not lie in any town or garrison 
with them, but would lie in the woods as the enemy 
did — and that to send out such small companies 
against such multitudes of the enemy that were now 
mustered together, would be but to deliver so many 
men into their hands, to be destroyed, as the worthy 
Captain Wadsworth and his company were. His 
advice upon the whole was, that, if they sent out 
any forces, to send no less than three hundred sol- 
diers ; and that the other colonies should be asked 
to send out their quotas also ; adding, that, if they 
intended to make an end of the war by subduing the 
enemy, they must make a business of the war as the 
enemy did ; and that for his own part, he had wholly 
laid aside all his own private business and concerns, 
ever since the war broke out.* He told them that, 
if they would send forth such forces as he should 
direct [them] to, he would go with them for six 
weeks march, which was long enough for men to be 
kept in the woods at once ; and if they might be 
sure of liberty to return in such a space, men would 
go out cheerfully; and he would engage [that] one 
hundred and fifty of the best soldiers should imme- 
diately list, voluntarily, to go with him, if they would 
please to add fifty more ; and one hundred of the 
friend Indians. And with such an army, he made 
no doubt, but he might do good service, but on other 
terms he did not incline to be concerned. 

Their reply was, that, they were already in debt, 
and so big an army would bring such a charge upon 
them, that they should never be able to pay. And 
as for sending out Indians, they thought it no ways 
advisable; and in short, none of his advice practi- 
cable. 

* It will be d scove* xble in almost every step onward, how 
shamefully Mr Church was treated by government for all 
his services. 



72 PHILIP'S WAR. 

Now Mr. Church's consort, and his then only son 
were till this time* remaining at Duxbury ; and his 
fearing their safety there, (unless the war were more 
vigorously engaged in) resolved to move to Rhode- 
island, though it was much opposed, both by govern- 
ment and relations. But at length the Governour, 
considering that he might be no less serviceable, by 
being on that side of the colony, gave his permit, and 
wished [that] he had twenty more as good men to 
send with him. 

Then preparing for his removal, he went with his 
small family to Plymouth to take leave of their 
friends, where they met with his wife's parents, who 
much persuaded that she might be left at Mr. Clark's 
garrison, (which they supposed to be a mighty safe 
place) or at least that she might be there, until her 
soon expected lying in was over ; (being near her 
time.) Mr. Church no ways inclining to venture her 
any longer in those parts, and no arguments prevail- 
ing with him, he resolutely set out for Taunton, and 
many of their friends accompanied them. There 
they found Captain Piercef with a commanded 

* The beginning of March, 1676. 

f This gentleman belonged to Scituate, as is seen in note to 
page 64. I have learned no particulars of him, except what are 
furnished in the Indian wars. It appears that he was now 
on his march into the Narraganset country, having heard 
that many of the enemy had collected at Pawtuxet, a few 
miles to the southward of Providence. He being a man of 
great courage, and willing to engage the enemy on any 
ground, was led into a fatal snare. On crossing the Paw- 
tuxet river he found himself encircled by an overwhelming 
number. He retreated to the side of the river to prevent 
being surrounded ; but this only alternative failed : For the 
enemy crossing the river above, came upon their backs with 
the same deadly effect as those in front. Thus they had to 
contend with tripple numbers, and a double disadvantage. — 
Means was found to despatch a messenger to Providence for 
succour, but through some unacountable default in him, or 
them to whom it was delivered, none arrived until too late. 
The scene was horrid beyond description! Some say that all 
the English were slain, others, that one only escaped, which 



PHJLIP'S WAR. 73 

party, who offered Mr. Church to send a relation of 
his with some others to guard him to Rhodeisland. 
But Mr. Church thanked him for his respectful offer, 
but for some good reasons refused to accept it. In 
short, they got safe to Captain John Almy's* house 
upon Rhodeisland where they met with friends and 
good entertainment. But by the way let me not 
forget this remarkable providence, viz , that within 
twentyfour hours, or thereabouts, after their arrival 
at Rhodeisland, Mr. Clark's garrison, that Mr. Church 
was so much importuned to leave his wife and chil- 
dren at, was destroyed by the enemy.f 

Mr. Church being at present disabled from any 
particular service in the war, began to think of some 
other employ. But he no sooner took a tool to cut 

was effected as follows. A friendly Indian pursued him with 
an uplifted tomahawk, in the face of the enemy, who consid- 
ering his fate certain, and that he was pursued by one of 
their own men, made no discovery of the stratagem, and 
both escaped. Another friend Indian seeing that the battle 
was lost, blackened his face with powder and ran among the 
enemy, whom they took to be one of themselves, who also 
were painted black, then presently escaped into the woods. 
Another was pursued, who hid behind a rock, and his pursu- 
er lay secreted near to shoot him when he ventured out. 
But he behind the rock put his hat or cap upon a stick, and 
raising it up in sight, the other fired upon it. He dropping 
his stick ran upon him before he could reload his gun and 
shot him dead. See Hubbard, Nar. 151, &c. It appears 
that Canonchet, a Narraganset chief, who afterwards fell 
into the hands of the brave Capt. Denison commanded in 
this battle. See Hist. Connect. 344. 

* See note 2 on page 40. 

f On the 12 March Mr. Clark's house was assaulted by the 
Indians, who after barbarously murdering 11 persons, belong- 
ing to two families, set it on fire. Mr. Hubbard, 155, says, that 
" The cruelty was the more remarkable, in that they had 
often received much kindness from the said Clark." Philip 
is supposed to have conducted this affair. About the time 
that that chief fell, 200 Indians delivered themselves prison- 
ers a; Plymouth, 3 of whom were found to have been among 
those who murdered Mr. Clark's family and were executed. 
The rest were taken into favour. Ibid. 216. 
D 



74 PHILIP'S WAR. 

a small stick, but he cut off the top of his fore fin- 
ger, and the next to it half off; upon which he 
smilingly said, that he thought he was out of his 
way to leave the war, and resolved he would [go] to 
war again. 

Accordingly his second son being born on the 
12th of May, and his wife and son [likely] 1 to do 
well, Mr. Church embraces the opportunity of a pas- 
sage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, [which] 2 land- 
ed him at Sogkonesset,* from whence he rode to 
Plymouth, and arrived there the first Tuesday in 
June.f 

The General Court then sitting, welcomed him, 
and told him [that] they were glad to see him alive. 
He replied, [that] he was as glad to see them alive ; 
for he had seen so many fires and smokes towards 
their side of the country, since he left them, that he 
could scarce eat or sleep with any comfort, for fear 
they had all been destroyed. For all travelling was 
stopped, and no news had passed for a long time 
together. 

He gave them an account, J that the Indians had 
made horrid desolations at Providence, Warwick, 
Pawtuxet, and all over the Narraganset country ; 
and that they prevailed daily against the English on 
that side of the country. [He] told them [that] he 
longed to hear what methods they designed [to take] 
in the war. They told him [that] they were par- 
i [like] 2 [ w ho] 

* Known now by the name of Wood's hole. It is in the 
town of Falmouth, not far to the eastward of Sogkonate point. 
Douglass wrote this name Soeonosset, and Hutchinson Suca- 
nesset. A small clan of Indians resided here from whom it 
took its name. 

t Namely the 8. 

| We should not suppose that this was the first intelligence 
that the people of Plymouth received of the destruction of 
those places, as this visit was nearly S months after the des- 
truction of Warwick, Providence, &c, and about 4 from the 
cutting off of Capt. Pierce ; yet it might be the case. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 75 

ticularly glad that providence had brought him there 
at that juncture ; for they had concluded the very 
next day to send out an army of two hundred men ; 
two thirds English, and one third Indians ; in some 
measure agreeable to his former proposal — expect- 
ing Boston and Connecticut to join with their 
quotas. 

In short, it was so concluded, and that Mr. Church 
should return to the island, and see what he could 
muster there, of those who had moved from Swan- 
zey, Dartmouth, &c. ; so returned the same way 
[that] he came. When he came to Sogkonesset, he 
had a sham put upon him about a boat [which] he 
had bought to go home in, and was forced to hire 
two of the friend Indians to paddle him in a canoe 
from Elizabeth's* to Rhodeisland. 

It fell out, that as they were on their voyage pass- 
ing by Sogkonate point,f some of the enemy were 
upon the rocks a fishing. He bid the Indians that 
managed the canoe, to paddle so near the rocks, as 
that he might call to those Indians ; [and] told them, 
that he had a great mind ever since the war broke 
out to speak with some of the Sogkonate Indians, 
and that they were their relations, and therefore they 
need not fear their hurting of them. And he add- 
ed, that, he had a mighty conceit, that if he could 
get a fair opportunity to discourse [with] them, that 
he could draw them off from Philip, for he knew 
[that] they never heartily loved him. The enemy 
hallooed, and made signs for the canoe to come to 
them ; but when they approached them they skulked 
and hid in the clefts of the rocks. Then Mr. 
Church ordered the canoe to be paddled off again, 
lest, if he came too near, they should fire upon him. 
Then the Indians appearing again, beckoned and 

* From Woods hole or Sogkonesset to this island is 1 mile 
t A little north of this point is a small bay called Church's 

cove, and a small cape about 2 miles further north bears the 

name of Church's point. 



76 PHILIP'S WAR. 

called in the Indian language, and bid them come 
ashore, for they wanted to speak with [them.] 1 
The Indians in the canoe answered them again, but 
they on the rocks told them, that the surf made such 
a noise against the rocks, [that] they could not hear 
any thing they said. Then Mr. Church by signs 
with his hands, gave [them] to understand, that he 
would have two of them go down upon the point of 
the beach. (A place where a man might see who 
was near him.) Accordingly two of them ran along 
the beach, and met him there without their arms , 
excepting, that one of them had a lance in his hand. 
They urged Mr. Church to come ashore, for they 
had a great desire to have some discourse with him. 
He told tfoem, [that] if he, that had his weapon in 
his hand, would carry it up some distance upon the 
beach, and leave it, he would come ashore and dis- 
course [with] them. He did so, and Mr. Church went 
ashore, hauled up his canoe, ordered one of his In- 
dians to stay by it, and the other to walk above on 
the beach, as a sentinel, to see that the coasts were 
clear. And when Mr. Church came up to the In- 
dians, one of them happened to be honest George, 
one of the two that Awashonks formerly sent to call 
him to her dance, and was so careful to guard him 
back to his house again. [This was] the last Sogko- 
nate Indian he spoke with before the war broke out. 
He spoke English very well. Mr. Church asked him 
where Awashonks was *? [He said] 2 " In a swamp 
about three miles off." Mr. Church asked him what 
it was [that] he wanted, that he hallooed and called 
him ashore °l He answered, that he took him for 
Church as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe, 
and that he was very glad to see him alive ; and he 
believed his mistress would be as glad to see him, 
and speak with him. He told him further, that he 
believed she was not fond of maintaining a war with 
the English, and that she had left Philip and did not 
i [him] 2 [He told him] 



y*= 



PHILIP'S WAR. 77 

intend to return to him any more. He was mighty 
earnest with Mr. Church to tarry there while he 
would run and call her; but he told him "No, for 
he did not know but the Indians would come down 
and kill him before he could get back again." He 
said that, if Mounthope, or Pocasset Indians could 
catch him, he believed they would knock him on the 
head; but all Sogkonate Indians knew him very well, 
and he believed none of them would hurt him. In 
short, Mr. Church refused, then, to tarry; but pro- 
mised that he would come over again and speak with 
Awashonks, and some other Indians that he had a 
mind to talk with. 

Accordingly he [directed] 1 him to notify Awa- 
shonks, her son Peter,* their chief Captain, and one 
Nompashf (an Indian that Mr. Church had, former- 
ly, a particular respect for) to meet him two days 
after, at a rock at the lower end of Captain Rich- 
mond's;]" farm, which was a very noted place. And 
if that day should prove stormy, or windy, they were 
to expect him the next moderate day ; Mr. Church 
telling George, that he would have him come with 
the persons mentioned, and no more. They gave 
each other their hands upon it, [and] parted. 

Mr. Church went home, and the next morning to 

Newport; and informed the government of what had 

passed between him and the Sogkonate Indians ; and 

desired their permit for him, and Daniel Wilcox§ (a 

i [appointed] 

* See note 1, on page 57. 

f In another place his name is spelt Numposh. He was 
Captain of the Sogkonate or Seconate Indians in " the first 
expedition east." 

| This rock is near the water a little north of where they 
then were. 

§ The fatal 10 November, 1825, allows me only to say of 
this person that descendants in the fourth generation (I 
think) are found in Newbedford. See page iv, of my pre- 
face. 



78 PHILIP'S WAR. 

man that well understood the Indian language,) to 
go over to them. They told him, that they thought 
he was mad ; after such service as he had done, and 
such dangers that he [had] escaped, now to throw 
away his life; for the rogues would as certainly kill 
him as ever he went over. And utterly refused to 
grant his permit, or to be willing that he should run 
the risk. 

Mr. Church told them, that it ever had been in 
his thoughts, since the war broke out, that if he 
could discourse the Sogkonate Indians, he could draw 
them off from Philip, and employ them against him ; 
but could not, till now, never have an opportunity to 
speak with any of them, and was very loath to lose 
it, &c. At length they told him, [that] if he would 
go, it should be only with the two Indians that came 
with him; but they would give him no permit under 
their hands. 

He took his leave of them, resolving to prosecute 
his design. They told him, they were sorry to see 
him so resolute, nor if he went did they ever expect 
to see his face again. 

He bought a bottle of rum, and a small roll of 
tobacco, to carry with him, and returned to his 
family. 

The next day, being the day appointed for the 
meeting, he prepared two light canoes for the de- 
sign, and his own man with the two Indians for his 
company. He used such arguments with his tender 
and now almost broken hearted wife, from the expe- 
rience of former preservations, and the prospect of 
the great service he might do, (might it please God 
to succeed his design, &c.,) that he obtained her 
consent to his attempt. And committing her, the 
babes, and himself to heaven's protection, he set 
out. 

They had, from the shore, afoout a league to pad- 
die. Drawing near the place, they saw the Indians 
sitting on the bank, waiting for their coming. Mr 



PHILIP'S WAR. 79 

Church sent one of his Indians ashore in one of the 
canoes to see whether they were the same Indians 
whom he had appointed to meet him, and no more : 
And if so, to stay ashore and send George to fetch 
him. Accordingly George came and fetched Mr. 
Church ashore, while the other canoe played off to 
see the event, and to carry tidings, if the Indians 
should prove false. 

Mr. Church asked George whether Awashonks 
and the other Indians [that] he appointed to meet 
him were there'? He answered [that] they were. 
He then asked him if there were no more than they, 
whom he appointed to be there °l To which he 
would give no direct answer. However, he went 
ashore ; when he was no sooner landed, but Awa- 
shonks and the rest that he had appointed to meet 
him there, rose up and came down to meet him; and 
each of them successively gave him their hands, and 
expressed themselves glad to see him, and gave him 
thanks for exposing himself to visit them. They 
walked together about a gun shot from the water, 
to a convenient place to sit down, where at once 
rose up a great body of Indians, who had lain hid 
in the grass, (that was [as] high as a man's waist) 
and gathered round them, till they had closed them 
in ; being all armed with guns, spears, hatchets, &c. 
with their hairs trimmed, and faces painted, in their 
warlike appearance. 

It was doubtless somewhat surprising to our gen- 
tleman at first, but without any visible discovery of 
it, after a 6mall silent pause on each side, he spoke 
to Awashonks, and told her, that George had inform- 
ed him that she had a desire to see him, and dis- 
course about making peace with the English. She 
answered "Yes." "Then," said Mr. Church, " it is 
customary when people meet to treat of peace, to 
lay aside their arms, and not to appear in such hos- 
tile form as your people do." [He] desired of her, 
that if the) might talk about peace, which he desir- 



80 PHILIP'S WAR. 

ed they might, her men might lay aside their arms 
and appear more treatable. Upon which there be- 
gan a considerable noise and murmur among them 
in their own language, till Awashonks asked him 
what arms they should lay down, and where *? He 
(perceiving the Indians looked very surly and much 
displeased) replied, "Only their guns at some small 
distance, for formality's sake." Upon which with one 
consent, they laid aside their guns and came and sat 
down. 

Mr. Church pulled out his calabash, and asked 
Awashonks whether she had lived so long at Wetu- 
set,* as to forget to drink occapeches^f and drink- 
ing to her, he perceived that she watched him very 
diligently, to see (as he thought) whether he swal- 
lowed any of the rum. He offered her the shell, 
but she desired him to drink again first. He then 
told her, [that] there was no poison in it ; and pour- 
ing some into the palm of his hand, sipped it up. 
And took the shell and drank to her again, and drank 
a good swig, which indeed was no more than he 
needed. Then they all standing up, he said to 
Awashonks, " You wont drink for fear there should 
be poison in it," and then handed it to a little ill 
looking fellow, who catched it readily enough, and 
as greedily would have swallowed the liquor when he 
had it at his mouth. But Mr. Church catched him 
by the throat, and took it from him, asking him 
whether he intended to swallow shell and all °l and 
then handed it to Awashonks. She ventured to take 
a good hearty dram, and passed it among her atten- 
dants. 

The shell being emptied, he pulled out his to- 
bacco; and having distributed it, they began to 
talk. 

Awashonks demanded of him the reason, why he 
had not (agreeable to his promise when she saw him 

* Wachuset. See note 1, on p. 69. 

f Commonly heard as though written okape, or ochape. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 81 

last) been down at Sogkonate before now 9 Saying, 
that probably if he had come then, according to his 
promise, they had never joined with Philip against 
the English. 

He told her [that] he was prevented by the war's 
breaking out so suddenly ; and yet, he was after- 
wards coming down, and came as far as Punkatees, 
where a great many Indians set upon him, and fought 
him a whole afternoon, though he did not come pre- 
pared to fight, [and] had but nineteen men with him, 
whose chief design was to gain an opportunity to 
discourse some Sogkonate Indians. Upon this there 
at once arose a mighty murmur, confused noise and 
talk among the fierce looking creatures, and all ris- 
ing up in a hubbub. And a great surly looking fel- 
low took up his tomhog, or wooden cutlass to kill 
Mr. Church, but some others prevented him. 

The interpreter asked Mr. Church, if he under- 
stood what it was that the great fellow (they had 
hold of) said'? He answered him "No." "Why" 
said the interpreter, " he says [that] you killed his 
brother at Punkatees, and therefore he thirsts for 
your blood." Mr. Church bid the interpreter tell 
him that his brother began first ; that if he had kept 
at Sogkonate, according to his desire and order, he 
should not have hurt him. 

Then the chief Captain commanded silence ; and 
told them that they should talk no more about old 
things, &c, and quelled the tumult, so that they sat 
down again, and began upon a discourse of making 
peace with the English. Mr. Church asked them what 
proposals they would make, and on what terms they 
would break their league with Philip? Desiring 
them to make some proposals that he might carry to 
his masters ; telling them that it was not in his pow- 
er to conclude a peace with them, but that he knew 
that if their proposals were reasonable, the govern- 
ment would not be unreasonable ; and that he would 
use his interest with the government for them ; and 
d 6 



82 PHILIP'S WAR. 

to encourage them to proceed, put tht>m in mind 
that the Pequots* once made war with the English, 
and that after they subjected themselves to the Eng- 
lish, the English became their protectors, and de- 
fended them against other nationsf that would other- 
wise have destroyed them, &c. 

After some further discourse and debate he brought 
them at length to consent, that if the government of 
Plymouth would firmly engage to them, that they 
and all of them, and their wives and children should 
hare their lives spared,,, and none of them transport- 
ed out of the country, they would subject themselves 
to them, and serve them, in what they were able. 

Then Mr. Church told them, that he was well 
satisfied the government of Plymouth would readily 
concur with what they proposed, and would sign 
their articles. And complimenting them upon it, 
how pleased he was with the thoughts of their re- 
turn, and of the former friendship that had been be- 
tween them, &c. 

The chief Captain rose up, and expressed the 
great value and respect he had for Mr. Church ; and 
bowing to him, said, " Sir, if you will please to ac- 
cept of me and my men, and will head us, we will 
fight for you, and will help you to Philip's head be- 
fore the Indian corn be ripe." And when he had 
ended, they all expressed their consent to what he 
said, and told Mr. Church [that] they loved him, 
and were willing to go with him, and fight for him 
as long as the English had one enemy left in the 
country. 

Mr. Church assured them, that if they proved as 
good as their word, they should find him theirs, and 
their children's fast friend. And (by the way) the 
friendship is maintained between them to this day. J 

* See a history of this war in the Appendix, No. IV. 
f The Narragansets. See first note to Philip's war. 
% 1716. They consisted now, probably of no more than 
200 persons. 



PHILIi -S WAR. 63 

% 

Then he proposed unto them, that they should 
choose five men to go strait with him to Plymouth. 
They told him " No, they would not choose, but he 
should take which five he pleased." Some compli- 
ments passed about it, at length it was agreed, [that] 
they should choose three, and he two. Then he 
agreed that he would go back to the island that 
night, and would come to them the next morning, 
and go through the woods to Plymouth. But they 
afterwards objected, [for] 1 his travelling through 
the woods would not be safe for him ; [that] the 
enemy might meet with them and kill him, and then 
they should lose their friend and the whole design 
[would be] ruined beside. And therefore proposed 
that he should come in an English vessel, and they 
would meet him, and come on board at Sogkonate 
point, and sail from thence to Sandwich, which in 
fine was concluded upon. 

So Mr. Church promising to come as soon as he 
could possibly obtain a vessel, and then they parted. 

He returned to the island and was at great pains 
and charge to get a vessel ; but with unaccountable 
disappointments, sometimes by the falseness, and 
sometimes by the faintheartedness of men that he 
bargained with, and something by wind and weather, 
&c. : Until at length Mr. Anthony Low* put in to 
the harbour with a loaded vessel bound to the 
westward, and being made acquainted with Mr 
Church's case, told him, that he had so much kind- 
ness for him, and was so pleased with the business 
he was engaged in, that he would run the venture of 
his vessel and cargo to wait upon him. 

Accordingly, next morning they set sail with a 
wind that soon brought them to Sogkonate noint. 
^ But coming there they met with a contrary wind, 
and a great swelling sea. 

i [that] 

* After much search I can ascertain nothing of this person. 
The name is common in our country at this day. 



84 PHILIP'S WAR 

# 

The Indians were there waiting upon the rocks, 
but had nothing but a miserable broken canoe to 
get aboard in ; yet Peter Awashonks ventured off in 
it, and with a great deal of difficulty and danger 
got aboard. And by this time it began to rain and 
blow exceedingly, and forced them up the sound ; 
and then [they] went away through Bristol ferry, 
round the island to Newport, carrying Peter with 
them. 

Then Mr. Church dismissed Mr. Low, and told 
him, that inasmuch as Providence opposed his going 
by water, and he expected that the army would be 
up in a few days, and probably, if he should be gone 
at that juncture, it might ruin the whole design ; [he] 
would therefore yield his voyage. 

Then he writ the account of his transactions with 
the Indians, and drew up the proposals, and articles 
of peace, and despatched Peter with them to Ply- 
mouth, that his honour the Governour, if he saw 
cause, might sign them. 

Peter was sent over to Sogkonate on Lord's day* 
morning, with orders to take those men that were 
chosen to go down, or some of them, at least, with 
him. The time being expired that was appointed 
for the English army to come, there was great look- 
ing for them. Mr. Church, on the Monday morning, 
(partly to divert himself after his fatigue, and partly 
to listen for the army) rode out with his wife, and 
some of his friends to Portsmouth,! under a pre- 
tence of cherrying ; but came home without any 
news from the army. But by midnight, or sooner, 
he was roused with an express from Major Bradford, 
who was arrived with the army at Pocasset, to whom 
he forthwith repaired, J and informed him of the 

* July 9. ~~ 

t The island of Rhodeisland is divided into 3 towns ; New 
port in the south, Middletown, and Portsmouth in the north. 

t July 11. 



f HILIP'S WAR. 85 

whole of his proceedings with the Sogkonate In- 
dians. 

With the Major's consent and advice, he returned 
again next morning to the island in order to go over 
that way to Awashonks, to inform her that the army- 
was arrived, &c. 

Accordingly from Sachueeset neck* he went in a 
canoe to Sogkonate. [He] told her that Major 
Bradford was arrived at Pocasset with a great army, 
whom he had informed of all the proceedings with 
her ; that if she would be advised, and observe order, 
she nor her people need not to fear being hurt by 
them ; told her [that] she should call all her people 
down into the neck, lest if they should be found 
straggling about, mischief might light on them; that 
on the morrow they would come down and receive 
her and give her farther orders. 

She promised to get as many of her people to- 
gether as possibly she could ; desiring Mr. Church 
to consider that it would be difficult for to get them 
together at such short warning. 

Mr. Church returned to the island and to the army 
the same night. 

The nextmorningf the whole army marched to- 
wards Sogkonate, as far as Punkatees, and Mr. 
Church with a few men went down to Sogkonate to 
call Awashonks and her people, to come up to the 
English camp. As he was going down they met 
with a Pocasset Indian, who had killed a cow, and 
got a quarter of her on his back, and her tongue in 
his pocket. [He] 1 gave them an account, that he 
came from Pocasset two days since in company with 
his mother, and several other Indians, now hid in a 
swamp above Nonquid.J Disarming of him, he sent 
him by two men to Major Bradford, and proceeded 
i [who] 

* (The southeast corner of Rhodeisland.) 
f July 13 t ( ln Tivertou.) 



86 PHILIP'S WAR. 

to Sogkonate. They saw several Indians by the way 
skulking about but let them pass. 

Arriving at Awashonks camp, [he] told hei [that] 
he was come to invite her and her people up to Pun- 
katees,* where Major Bradford now was with the 
Plymouth army, expecting her and her subjects to 
receive orders, until further order could be had from 
the government. She complied, and soon sent out 
orders for such of her subjects as were not with her, 
immediately to come in. And by twelve o'clock of 
next day, she with most of her number appeared 
before the English camp at Punkatees. Mr. Church 
tendered [himself to] the Major to serve under his 
commission, provided the Indians might be accepted 
with him, to fight the enemy. The Major told him, 
[that] his orders were to improve him if he pleased, 
but as for the Indians he would not be concerned 
with them. And presently gave forth orders for 
Awashonks, and all her subjects, both men, women 
and children, to repair to Sandwich ;f and to be 
there upon peril, in six days. Awashonks and her 
chiefs gathered round Mr. Church, (where he was 
walked off from the rest) [and] expressed themselves 
concerned that they could not be confided in, nor 
improved. He told them, [that] it was best to obey 
orders, and that if he could not accompany them to 
Sandwich, it should not be above a week before he 
would meet them there ; that he was confident the 
Governour would commission him to improve them. 

The Major hastened to send them away with Jack 
Havens (an Indian who had never been in the wars) 
in the front, with a flag of truce in his hand. 

* (Adjoining Fogland ferry.) 

The geography of this place, with respect to extent and 
situation, has been given on page 40, note 1. 

t A town between Plymouth and Barnstable, on Cape Cod. 
If the Major were arbitrary in gi.ing this order, he was lib- 
eral with the time, as the distance was not above 50 miles 
by way of Plymouth, and perhaps no more than 30 through 
the woods. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 87 

They being gone) Mr. Church by the help of his 
man Toby, (the Indian whom he had taken prisoner 
as lie was going down to Sogkonate) took said To- 
by's mother, and those that were with her, prisoners. 

Next morning the whole army moved back to Po- 
casset. This Toby informed them that there were 
a great many Indians gone down to Wepoiset* to 
eat clams ; (other provisions being very scarce with 
them) that Philip himself was expected within three 
or four days at the same place. Being asked what 
Indians they were % he answered, " Some Weeta- 
more's Indians ; some Mounthope Indians ; some 
Narraganset Indians ; and some other upland In- 
dians ; in all, about three hundred." 

The Rhodeisland boats, by the Major's order, 
meeting them at Pocasset, they were soon embarked. 
It being just in the dusk of the evening, they could 
plainly discover the enemies' fires at the place the 
Indian directed to, and the army concluded no other, 
but [that] they were bound directly thither, until 
they came to the north end of the island and heard 
the word of command for the boats to bear away. 

Mr. Church was very fond of having this probable 
opportunity of surprising that whole company of In- 
dians embraced; but orders, it was said must be 
obeyed, which were to go to Mounthope, and there 
to fight Philip. 

This with some other good opportunities of doing 
spoil upon the enemy, being unhappily missed,f Mr. 
Church obtained the Major's consent to meet the 
Sogkonate Indians, according to his promise. He was 
offered a guard to Plymouth, but chose to go with 
one man only, who was a good pilot. 

About sunset,J he, with Sabin§ his pilot, mounted 

* In Swanzey. 

f The cause of this ill timed manoeuvre of the army must 
remain a mystery. \ July 20. 

§ As this name does not occur any where else in this histo- 
ry, it is not probable that he served regularly in that capa- 
city 



68 PHILIP'S WAR. 

their horses at Rehoboth, where the hfmy now was, 
and by two hours by sun next morning, arrived safe 
at Plymouth. And by that time they had refreshed 
themselves, the Governour and Treasurer* came to 
town. Mr. Church gave them a short account of the 
affairs of the army, &c. His honour was pleased to 
give him thanks for the good and great service he 
had done at Sogkonate ; [and] told him, [that] he 
had confirmed all that he had promised Awashonks, 
and had sent the Indian back again tkat [had] 
brought his letter. f He asked his honour whether 
he had any thing later from Awashonks 9 He told 
him [that] he had not. Whereupon he gave his 
honour an account of the Major's orders relating to 
her and hers, and what discourse had passed pro and 
con, about them ; and that he had promised to meet 
them, and that he had encouraged them that he 
thought he might obtain of his honour a commission 
to lead them forth to fight Philip. His honour smi- 
lingly told him, that he should not want commission 
if he would accept it, nor yet good Englishmen 
enough to make up a good army. 

But in short he told his honour [that] the time had 
expired that he had appointed to meet the Sogko- 
nates at Sandwich. The Governour asked him 
when he would go*? He told him, that afternoon by 
his honour's leave. The Governour asked him how 
many men he would have with him? He answered, 
not above half a dozen; with an order to take more 
at Sandwich, if he saw cause, and horses provided. 
He no sooner moved it, but had his number of men 
tendering to go with him ; among [whom] * were Mr. 
1 [which] 

* Mr. Southworth. 

f This letter contained an answer- to the account of his 
meeting Awashonks, before related, which was sent from tbfit 
island by Peter. 



PHILIP'S WAR 89 

JabezHowIand,*and Nathaniel So dth worth. f They 
went to Sandwich that night, where Mr. Church (with 
need enough) took a nap of sleep. The next morn- 
ing, with about sixteen or eighteen men, he proceed- 
ed as far as Agawom,{ where they had great expec- 
tation of meeting the Indians, but met them not. 
His men being discouraged, about half of them re- 
turned. Only half a dozen stuck by him, and pro- 
mised so to do until they should meet with the In- 
dians. 

When they came to Sippican*. river, Mr. How- 
land began to tire, upon which Mr. Church left him 
and two more, for a reserve, at the river; that if he 
should meet with enemies, and be forced back, they 
might be ready to assist them in getting over the 
river. Proceeding in their march, they crossed 
another river, and opened a great bay,|| where they 
might see many miles along shore, where were sands 
and flats ; and hearing a great noise below them, to- 
wards the sea, they dismounted their horses ; left 
them, and creeped among the bushes, until they 
came near the bank, and saw a vast company of In- 

* Little more than the pages of this history furnish, am I 
able to communicate of the worthy Howland. More, but 
for +he fatal winds, or more fatal flames of Courtstreet might 
have been told. He was a son of the venerable John How- 
land of Carver's family, (whose name is the 13th to that 
memorable instrument, or first foundation of government in 
Newengland, which may be seen in Appendix, III, with the 
other signers.) As I am informed by my worthy friend, Mr. 
Isaac Howland of Westport, who is also a descendant. 

t This gentleman was with Mr. Church in his first and 
second expeditions to the eastward, as will be seen in those 
expeditions. I learn nothing more of him. 

J A small river in Rochester. Several places were known 
by this name. Our Plymouth fathers proposed to go to a 
lace about twenty leagues to the northward, known to them 
by the name of Agawam, (now Ipswich.) Morton, 20. 

§ (Rochester.) 

|j Buzzard's bay. 



90 PHILIP'S WaR, 

dians, of all ages and sexes ; some on horseback 
running races; some at football ; some catching eels 
and flat fish in the water ; some clamming, &c. ; 
but, which way, with safety, to find out what Indians 
they were, they were at a loss. 

But at length, retiring into a thicket, Mr. Churclr 
hallooed to them. They soon answered him, and a 
couple of smart young fellows, well mounted, came 
upon a full career to see whom it might be that call- 
ed, and came just upon Mr. Church before they dis- 
covered him. But when they perceived themselves 
so near Englishmen, and armed, were much surpris- 
ed; and tacked short about to run as fast back as 
they came forward, until one of the men in the bushes 
called to them, and told them his name was Church, 
and [they] need not fear his hurting of them. Upon 
which after a small pause, they turned about their 
horses, and came up to him. One of them that 
could speak English, Mr. Church took aside and ex- 
amined ; who informed him, that the Indians below 
were Awashonks and her company, and that Jack 
Havens was among them ; whom Mr. Church imme- 
diately sent for to come to him, and ordered the mes- 
senger to inform Awashonks that he was come to 
meet her. Jack Havens soon came, and by that 
time Mr. Church had asked him a few questions, and 
had been satisfied by him, that it was Awashonks 
and her company that were below, and that Jack had 
been kindly treated by them, a company of Indians 
all mounted on horseback, and well armed, came 
ding up to Mr. Church, but treated him with all 
■*• t respects. He then ordered Jack to go [and] 
» * Awashonks, that he designed to sup with her in 
tLj evening, and to lodge in her camp that night. 
Then taking some of the Indians with him, he went 
back to the river to take care of Mr. Howland. 

Mr. Church having a mind to try what mettle he 
was made of, imparted his notion to the Indians that 
were with him, and gave them directions how to act 



PHILIP'S WAR 91 

their parts. When he came pretty near the place, 
he and his Englishmen pretendedly fled, firing on 
their retreat towards the Indians that pursued them, 
and they firing as fast after them. Mr. Howland 
being upon his guard, hearing the guns, and by and 
by seeing the motion both of the English and In- 
dians, concluded [that] his friends were distressed, 
and was soon on the full career on horseback to meet 
them ; [when] 1 he [perceived] 2 their laughing, [and] 
mistrusted the truth. 

As soon as Mr. Church had given him the news, 
they hastened away to Awashonks. Upon their ar- 
rival, they were immediately conducted to a shelter 
open on one side whither Awashonks and her chiefs 
soon came, and paid their respects ; and the multi- 
tudes gave shouts as made the heavens to ring. 

It being now about sunsetting, or near the dusk 
of the evening, the Netops* came running from all 
quarters loaden with the tops of dry pines, and the 
like combustible matter, making a huge pile there- 
of, near Mr. Church's shelter, on the open side 
thereof. But by this time supper was brought in, 
in three dishes; viz., a curious young bass in one 
dish ; eels and flat fish in a second ; and shell fish 
in a third. But neither bread nor salt to be seen at 
table. But by that time supper was over, the mighty 
pile of pine knots and tops, &c, was fired ; and all 
the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring 
round it, Awashonks, with the oldest of her people, 
men and women mixed, kneeling down, made the 
first ring next the fire; and all the lusty stout men, 
1 [until] 2 [perceiving] 

• This name is used by our author, I suspect, in the same 
sense as other writers use that of sannop. See Winthrop's 
Journal, sub anno 1630, and Hubbard, Nar. 30, where it ap- 
pears to bean Indian word employed by the sachems as a 
common name for their men. The latter author spelt it 
sannap. Nipnet was a general name for all inland Indians 
between the Massachusetts and Connecticut river. Ibid. 15, 



92 PHILIP'S WAR. 

standing up, made the next, and then all the rabble 
in a confused crew, surrounded, on the outside. 

Then the chief Captain stepped in between the 
rings and the fire, with a spear in one hand, and a 
hatchet in the other ; danced round the fire, and be- 
gan to fight with it; making mention of all the seve- 
ral nations and companies of Indians in the coun- 
try, that were enemies to the English. And at 
naming of every particular tribe of Indians, he would 
draw out and fight a new firebrand; and at finishing 
his fight with each particular firebrand, would bow 
to him, and thank him ; and when he had named all 
the several nations and tribes, and fought them all, 
he stuck down his spear and hatchet, and came out, 
and another stept in, and acted over the same dance, 
with more fury, if possible, than the first ; and when 
about half a dozen of their chiefs had thus acted their 
parts, the Captain of the guard stept up to Mr. 
Church, and told him, [that] they were making sol- 
diers for him, and what they had been doing was all 
one [as] swearing of them. And having in that 
manner engaged all the stout lusty men, Awashonks 
and her chiefs came to Mr. Church, and told him, 
that now they were all engaged to fight for the Eng- 
lish, and [that] he might call forth all, or any of 
them, at any time, as he saw occasion, to fight the 
enemy. And [then] presented him with a very fine 
firelock. 

Mr. Church accepts their offer, drew out a num- 
ber of them, and set out next morning before day 
for Plymouth, where they arrived the same day. 

The Governour being informed of it, came early 
to town* next morning ;f and by that time, he had 
Englishmen enough to make a good company, when 
joined with Mr. Church's Indians, that offered their 

* The Governour resided at Marshfield a few miles north 
of Plymouth. 
t July 23. * 



PHILIP'S WAR. 93 

voluntary service, to go under his command in juest 
of the enemy. The Governour then gave him a 
commission which is as follows. 

" Captain Benjamin Church, you are hereby no- 
minated, ordered, commissioned, and empowered to 
raise a company of volunteers of about two hundred 
men, English and Indians ; the English not exceed- 
ing the number of sixty, of which company, or so 
many of them as you can obtain, or shall see cause at 
present to improve, you are to take the command, 
conduct, and to lead them forth now and hereafter, 
at such time, and unto such places within this colony, 
or elsewhere within the confederate colonies, as you 
shall think fit ; to discover, pursue, light, surprise, 
destroy, or subdue our Indian enemies, or any part 
or parties of them, that by the providence of God 
you may meet with, or them, or any of them, by 
treaty and composition to receive to mercy, if you see 
reason, (provided they be not murderous rogues, or 
such as have been principal actors in those villanies.) 
And forasmuch as your company may be uncertain, 
and the persons often changed, you are also here- 
by empowered with the advice of your company, 'to 
choose and commissionate a Lieutenant, and to es- 
tablish Sergeants, and Corporals as you see cause 
And you herein improving your best judgment and 
discretion, and utmost ability, faithfully to serve the 
interest of God, his Majesty's interest, and the inter- 
est of the colony ; and carefully governing your said 
company at home and abroad. These shall be unto 
you full and ample commission, warrant and dis- 
charge. Given under the publick seal, this 24th day 
of July, 1676. 

Per JOS. WINSLOW, Gwernvur." 

Receiving commission, he marched the same night 
into the woods, got to Middleborough* before day ; 

* About 15 miles from Plymouth. The fruitful waters in 
this town and the plenty of game in its woods, caused it to 
be a principal residence for Indians. Mourt says (in Prince, 



WE2 



94 PHILIP'S WAR. 

and as soon as the light appeared, took into the 
woods and swampy thickets, towards a place where 
they had some reason to expect to meet with a par- 
cel of Narraganset Indians, with some others that 
belonged to Mounthope. Coming near to where 
they expected them, Captain Church's Indian scout 
discovered the enemy ; and well observing their fires, 
and postures, returned with the intelligence to their 
Captain; who gave such directions for the surround- 
ing of them, as had the desired effect ; surprising 
them from every side, so unexpectedly, that they 
were all taken, not so much as one escaped.* 

And upon a strict examination, they gave intelli- 
gence of another parcel of the enemy, at a place 
called Munponset pond.f Captain Church hastening 
with his prisoners through the woods to Plymouth, 

Chron. 191,) " thousands of men have lived here, who died 
of the great plague, about S years before our arrival." It 
was subject to Massassoit, and was first visited by the Eng- 
lish, 3 July, 1621. Mr. Edward Winslow, and Mr. Stephen 
Hopkins passed through there, on their way to visit Massas- 
soit. They saw the bones of many that died of the plague, 
where their habitations had been. Ibid. Relicks of anti- 
quity are often found to this day. A gentleman lately dig- 
ging to set posts for a front yard, near the town house, discov- 
ered an Indian sepulchre. It contained a great quantity of 
beads of different kinds, with many other curiosities. A 
remnant of a tribe of Indians now lives on the northeast side 
of the great Assawomset. They have mixed with the blacks, 
and none remain of clear blood. The last that remained un- 
mixed, was a man who died a few years since, at the age, 
it was supposed, of 100 years. He went by the name of Cy- 
mon. What is known of the troubles of the inhabitants in 
this war is found scattered through Mr. Hubbard's Narra- 
tive, in Bachus' Hist. Middleborough, and note 1, for page 
51, of this work. 

* We have to regret that our author does not tell us the 
number which he took, and the place where he took them. 
But his indefinite mode of writing, may, in part, be account- 
ed for, by the consideration, that it is given after nearly forty 
vears, mostly from recollection ; especially this part of the 
history. 

t A small pond in the north part of the present town of 
Halifax. 



PHILIPS WAR. 

disposed of them all, excepting, only one, Jeffrey, 
who proving very ingenuousi and faithful to him, in 
informing where other parcels of Indians harboured, 
Captain Church promised him, that if he continued 
to be faithful to him, he should not be sold out of 
the country, but should be his waiting man, to take 
care of his horse, &c. ; and accordingly he served 
him faithfully as long as he lived. 

But Captain Church was forthwith sent out again, 
and the terms for his encouragement being conclud- 
ed on, viz., that the country should find them am- 
munition and provision, and have half the prisoners 
and arms [that] they took : The Captain and his 
English soldiers to have the other half of the prison- 
ers and arms ; and the Indian soldiers the loose 
plunder. Poor encouragement ! But after some 
time it was mended. 

They soon captivated the Munponsets,* and 
brought them in, not one escaping. 

This stroke he held several weeks, never returning 
empty handed. When he wanted intelligence of 
their kenneling places, he would march to some 
place, likely to meet with some travellers or ramblers, 
and scattering his company, would lie close ; and 
seldom lay above a day or two, at most, before some 
of them would fall into their hands ; whom he would 
compel to inform where their company were. And 
so by his method of secret and sudden surprises, 
took great numbers of them prisoners. 

The government observing his extraordinary 
courage and conduct, and the success from heavenf 

* A small tribe of Indians that resided near Munponset 
pond. 

f Whether Heaven had any thing to do with making 
slaves of the Indians after they were made prisoners, may be 
doubted by scepticks, on the same principles that every feel- 
ing man now doubts of the justness of our southern breth 
ren to make slaves of Negroes. But to the commendation of 
our hero be it spoken, that his voice was always against en 



96 PHILIP'S WAR. 

added to it, saw cause to enlarge his commission 5 
gave him power to raise and dismiss his forces, as he 
should see occasion ; to commissionate officers un- 
der him, and to march as far as he should see cause, 
within the limits of the three united colonies ; to re- 
ceive to mercy, give quarter, or not ; excepting some 
particular and noted murderers, viz., Philip, and all 
that were at the destroying of Mr. Clark's garrison* 
and some few others. 

Major Bradford being now at Taunton with his 
army, and wanting provisions, some carts were or- 
dered from Plymouth for their supply, and Captain 
Church to guard them. But he obtaining other 
guards for the carts, as far as Middleborough, ran 
before with a small company, hoping to meet with 
some of the enemy ; appointing the carts and their 
guards to meet with them at Nemascut,* about an 
hour after sun's rising, next morning. 

He arrived there about the breaking of the day- 
light, and discovered a company of the enemy ; but 
his time was too short to wait for gaining advantage, 
and therefore ran right in upon them, surprised and 
captivated about sixteen of them, who upon exami- 
nation, informed that Tispaquinf a very famous Cap- 
slaving mankind. What greater proof can we have of his 
humanity, considering the age in which he lived? See page 
52, and note 1. 

* (Near Raynham.) 

That part of Middleborough along the river of that name. 
This name like many others was written differently by the < 
early contemporary writers. It is generally spelt Namasket ; 
but more properly Nemasket. Holmes, I, 211, from 1 Mass. 
Hist. Coll. Ill, 148, says, it was that part of Middleborough, 
which the English first planted. Hutchinson, I, 262, says, 
that Philip sometimes resided here. See note 1, on page 93. 
Savage, in Winthrop, I, 55, says, " This name belonged to 
part of the tract now included in Middleborough ; but the 
lines of Indian geography were probably not very precise, or 
are forgotten." 

f He was at the destroying of Mr. Clark's house at Ply- 
mouth. After his wife and child were taken by Captain 
Church, he came and delivered himself up at Plymouth, as a 



PHILIP'S WAR. 97 

tain among the enemy was at Assawompset* with a 
numerous company. 

But. the carts must now be guarded, and the oppor- 
tunity of visiting Tfepaquin must now be laid aside ; 
the carts are to be faithfully guarded, lest Tispaquin 
should attack them. 

Coming towards Taunton, Captain Church taking 
two men with him, made all speed to the town. And 
coming to the river side, he hallooed, and inquiring 
of them that came to the river, for Major Bradford 
or his Captains. He was informed [that] they were 
in the town, at the tavern. He told them of the 
carts that were coming, that he had the cumber of 
guarding them, which had already prevented his im- 
proving opportunities of doing service ; prayed, 
therefore, that a guard might be sent over to receive 
the carts, that he might be at liberty — refusing all 
invitations and persuasions to go over to the tavern 
to visit the Major. He at length obtained a guard 
to receive the carts, by whom also he sent his prison- 
ers to be conveyed with the carts, to Plymouth ; di- 
recting them not to return by the way they came, but 
by Bridgewater. 

prisoner of war ; but was afterward barbarously murdered by the 
government for his confidence in them, as will be seen in the pro- 
gress of/>his history. 

To do justice in some degree, to the memory of the nu- 
merous race of human beings, who have left this delightful 
country to us, a biographical work should be written, contain- 
ing as much of the lives and actions as can now be found, of 
such of those natives, whose names have come down to us. 
The author of these notes has taken some steps toward that end, 
which would be freely contributed to assist an able hand in the 
undertaking. Should no other attempt it, some years to come 
may produce it from his pen. 

* (In Middleborough.) 

This word again occurs in the course of a few paragraphs 
and is there spelt right. It must have been inattention that 
caused the difference in its orthography, as well as in many 
others. The countiy around the ponds bore the name of Assa- 
womset. See note 4, on page 27. In modem writers we see it 
sometimes spelt as above. „, 

E 7 



98 PHILIP'S WAR. 

Hastening back, he proposed to camp that night at 
Assawomset neck.* But as soon as they came to the 
river that runs into the great pond,f through the thick 
swamp at the entering of the neck, the enemy fired 
upon them, but hurt not a man. Captain Church's 
Indians ran right into the swamp, and fired upon them, 
but it being in the dusk of the evening, the enemy 
made their escape in the thickets. 

The Captain then moving about a mile into the 
neck, took the advantage of a small valley to feed 
his horses. Some held the horses by the bridles, the 
rest on the ground, looked sharp out for the enemy, 
[who were] within hearing on every side, and some 
very near. But in the dead of the night the enemy 
being out of hearing, or still, Captain Church moved 
out of the neck (not the same way he came in, lest 
he should be ambuscaded) towards Cushnet,J where 
all the houses were burnt. And crossing Cushnet 
river, § being extremely fatigued with two nights' 
and one day's ramble without rest or sleep. And ob- 
serving good forage for their horses, the Captain 
concluded upon baiting, and taking a nap. Setting 
six men to watch the passage of the river ; two to 

* A short distance below or to the south of Sampson's Tav- 
ern. The "thick swamp," next mentioned, remains to this 
time. 

f The Assawomset. 

I (In Dartmouth.) 

Newbedford has been since taken from Dartmouth. The pail 
where Newbedford now is was meant. 

§The river on which Newbedford stands is called Cush- 
net. Dr. Douglass wrote this word Accushnot. Summary, 
I, 403. And I think, that if we write Aponaganset, we 
should also write Accushnot, or rather Accushnet. But he 
wrote Polyganset. Ibid. See note 2, on page 51, of this 
history. The most ancient way of writing those names, in 
general, is to be preferred; for it is the most direct road to 
uniformity, and consistency. Two very desirable and agree- 
able attendants to be met with in language; yet, the writer of 
these notes is very sensible of his failures in theso as well as 
other respects. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 99 

watch at a time, while the others slept, and so to 
take their turns, while the rest of the company went 
into a thicket to sleep under a guard of two senti- 
nels more. But the whole company being very 
drowsy, soon forgot their danger, and were fast 
asleep, sentinels and all. The Captain first awakes, 
looks up, and judges he had slept four hours ; which 
being longer than he designed, immediately rouses his 
company, and sends away a file to see what was 
become of the watch, at the passage of the river; 
but they no sooner opened the river in sight, but they 
discovered a company of the enemy viewing of their 
tracks, where they came into the neck. Captain 
Church, and those with him, soon dispersed into the 
brush, on each side of the way, while the file sent, 
got undiscovered to the passage of the river, and found 
their watch all fast asleep. But these tidings thor- 
oughly awakened the whole company. 

But the enemy giving them no present disturbance, 
they examined their [knapsacks,] 1 and taking a 
little refreshment, the Captain ordered one party to 
guard the horses, and the other to scout, who soon 
met with a track, and following of it, they were 
brought to a small company of Indians, who proved 
to be Littleeyes,* and family, and near relations, who 
were of Sogkonate, but had forsaken their coun- 
trymen, upon their making peace with the Eng- 
lish. Some of Captain Church's Indians asked him, 
if he did not know this fellow? [and] told him, 
" This is the rogue that would have killed you at 
Awashonks' dance." And signified to him, that now 
he had an opportunity to be revenged on him. But 
the Captain told them, [that] it was not Englishmen's 
fashion to seek revenge ; and that he should have the 
quarter the rest had. 
^ Moving to the river side, they found an old canoe, 

1 [snapsacks.] 
* See page 25. 



100 PHILIP'S WArt. 

with which the Captain ordered Littleeyes and his 
company to be carried over to an island,* telling 
him, [that] he would leave him on that island until 
he returned. And lest the English should light on 
them, and kill them, he would leave his cousin Light- 
footf (whom the English knew to be their friend) to 
be his guard. Littleeyes expressed himself very 
thankful to the Captain. 

He leaving his orders with Lightfoot, returns to 
the river side, towards Ponaganset, to Russel's orch- 
ard.J [On] coming near the orchard they clapped 
into a thicket, and there lodged the rest of the night 
without any fire. And upon the morning light's ap- 
pearing, moved towards the orchard, [and] discover- 
ed some of the enemy, who had been there the day *. 
before, and had beat down all the apples, and carri- 
ed them away; discovered also where they had 
lodged that night, and saw the ground, where they 
set their baskets, [was] bloody ; being, as they sup- 
posed, and as it was afterwards discovered, [ — ]* 
with the flesh of swine, &c, which they had killed 
that day. They had lain under the fences without 
any fires, and seemed by the marks [which] they left 
behind them, to be very numerous ; perceived also 
by the dew on the grass, that they had not been 
long gone, and therefore, moved apace in pursuit of 
them. 

Travelling three miles or more, they came into the 
country road where the tracks parted. One parcel 
1 [to be] 

* What, I suspect, is now called Palmer's island. There are 
others farther out, which from their distance, it is thought unlikely 
that they went down so far. 

f Cousin to Littleeyes. He was a valuable and faithful ser- 
vant to Church, and is notorious for his exploits in the eastern 
wars. 

J This orchard stood just in the rear of the old garrison before 
mentioned. See note 2, on page 50. The remains of which 
were to be seen within the age of some recently living. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 101 

steered towards the west end of the great cedar 
swamp, and the other to the east end. The Captain 
halted, and told his Indian soldiers, that they had 
heard, as well as he, what some men had said at 
Plymouth, about them, &c. ; that now was a good 
opportunity for each party to prove themselves. 
The track being divided, they should follow one and 
the English the other, being equal in number. The 
Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to 
move any where without him ; said [that] they 
should not think themselves safe without him. But 
the Captain insisting upon it, they submitted. He 
gave the Indians their choice, to follow which track 
they pleased. They replied, that they were light 
and able to travel, therefore, if he pleased, they 
would take the west track. And appointing the 
ruins of John Cook's house at Cushnet, for the place 
to meet at, each company set out briskly to try their 
fortunes. 

Captain Church, with his English soldiers, follow- 
ed their track until they came near entering a miry 
swamp, when the Captain heard a whistle in the 
rear ; (which was a note for a halt) and looking behind 
him, he saw William Fobes* start out of the com- 
pany, and made towards him, who hastened to meet 
him as fast as he could. Fobes told him [that] they 
had discovered abundance of Indians, and if he 
pleased to go a few steps back, he might see them 
himself. He did so, and saw them across the swamp ; 
observing them, he perceived [that] they were gath- 
ering whortleberries, and they had no apprehensions 
of their being so near them. The Captain supposed 
them to be chiefly women, and therefore calling one 
Mr. Dillano, who was acquainted with the ground 
and the Indian language, and another named Mr. 

* Perhaps Forbes would have been the proper way of spelling 
this name. He went commissary with Church in his third eastern 
expedition. 



102 PHILIPS WAR, 

Barns.* With these two men he takes right through 
the swamp, as fast as he could, and orders the rest to 
hasten after them. 

Captain Church with Dillano and Barns, having 
good horses, spurred on and were soon amongst the 
thickest of the Indians, and out of sight of their own 
men. Among the enemy was an Indian woman, 
who with her husband had been driven off from 
Rhodeisland, notwithstanding they had a house upon 
Mr. Sanford's land, and had planted an orchard be- 
fore the war; yet the inhabitants would not be satis- 
fied, till they were sent off. Captain Church with 
his family, living then at the said Sanford's, came 
acquainted with them, who thought it very hard to turn 
off such old quiet people. But in the end it proved a 
providence, and an advantage to him and his family, 
as you may see afterwards. 

This Indian woman knew Captain Church, and as 
soon as she knew him, held up both her hands, and 
came running towards them, crying aloud, " Church! 
Church ! Church !" Captain Church bid her stop the 
rest of the Indians, and tell them, [that] the way to 
save their lives, was, not to run, but yield themselves 
prisoners, and he would not kill them. So with her 
help, and Dillano's, who could call to them in their 
own language, many of them stopped and surren- 
dered themselves, others scampering and casting 
away their baskets, &c, betook themselves to the 
thickets ; but Captain Church being on horseback, 
soon came up with them, and laid hold of a gun 
that was in the hand of one of the foremost of 
the company, pulled it from nim, and told him he 
must go back. And when he had turned them, he 
began to look about him to see where he was, and 
what was become of his company ; hoping they 
1 [and] 

*Of this person as well as Dillano and Fobes, after considera- 
ble pains and search, I can tell nothing. The names are ccnimon 
in the old colony. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 103 

might be all as well employed as himself. But he 
could find none but Dillano, who was very busy 
gathering up prisoners. The Captain drove his that 
he had stopped, to the rest ; inquiring of Dillano for 
their company, but could have no news of them ; 
[and] 1 moving back, picked up now and then a sculk- 
ing prisoner by the way. 

When they came near the place where the first 
started the Indians, they discovered their company 
standing in a body together, and had taken some few 
prisoners ; when they saw their Captain, they hasten- 
ed to meet him. They told him [that] they found 
it difficult getting through the swamp, and neither 
seeing nor hearing any thing of him, they concluded 
[that] the enemy had killed him, and were at a great 
loss what to do. 

Having brought their prisoners together, they 
found [that] they had taken and killed sixty-six of 
their enemy. Captain Church then asked the old 
squaw, what company they belonged unto ? She said, 
[that] they belonged part to Philip, and part to Qun- 
nappin* and the Narraganset sachem ;f discovered 
1 [but] 

* An old Queen among the Narragansets, says Hutch. I, 263. 
Trum. I, 347, says that Magnus an old Narraganset Queen 
was "killed 3 July. It is possible that both names meant the 
same person. {She signed the treaty in June, of which men- 
tion has been made. In Hutchinson, the name is spelt 
Quaiapen, and in Hubbard, Quenoquin, and by a writer in 
N. H. Hist. Col. Ill, 108, Quannopin. But these names 
may not all mean the same person, as the author last cited, 
says, that Mrs. Rowlandson, wife of the minister of Lancas- 
ter, when taken was sold to Quannopin whose wife was a 
sister to Philip's wife. The same writer observes, on page 
141, that one of Quannopin's wives' name was |Wittimore. 
She could not be the same that was drowned near Swanzey, 
for that was before Mrs. R. was taken. See note 2, on 
page 27. 

f Who is meant by this Narraganset sachem, it is difficult 
to determine. There were six that subscribed the treaty in 
June. Canonehet, who was noted for his enmity to the Eng- 



104 PHILIP'S WAR. 

also upon her declaration, that both Philip and Qua'n- 
napin were about two miles off, in the great cedar 
swamp. He inquired of her what company they 
had with them. She answered, " Abundance of In- 
dians." The swamp, she said, was full of Indians 
from one end unto the other, that were settled there ; 
[and] that there were near an hundred men, [who] 
came from the swamp with them, and left them upon 
that plain to gather whortleberries, and promised to 
call them as they came back out of Sconticut neck,* 
whither they went to kill cattle and horses for provis- 
ions for the company. 

She perceiving Captain Church move towards the 
neck, told him, [that] if they went that way they 
would be killed. He asked her where about they 
crossed the river ? She pointed to the upper passing 
place. Upon which Captain Church passed over so 
low down, as he thought it not probable [that] they 
should meet with his track in their return, and has- 
tened towards the island, where he left Littleeyes 
with Lightfoot. Finding a convenient place by the 
river side for securing his prisoners, Captain Church 
and Mr. Dillano went down to see what was become 
of Captain Lightfoot, and the prisoners left in his 
charge. 

Lightfoot seeing and knowing them, soon came 
over with his broken canoe, and informed them, that 

lish, but it could not be he, because he was taken by the 
Connecticut volunteers the first week in April, 1676, accord- 
ing to Hubbard, 158, and it was now July; Canonicus, who 
was killed by the Mohawks, in June; Mattatoag, of whom 
we hear nothing; Ninigret, who did not join with the rest 
in the war ; and Pumham, who was killed in the woods near 
Dedham, about the last week in July, as before observed, 
and who it is possible this might be. He must have been a 
very old man, as I presume he is the same who sold land to 
Mr. Samuel Gorton about 1643, and became dissatisfied and 
complained of him to the court. See Savage's Winthrop, 
II, 120. 

* The point of land opposite Newbedford where the village of 
Fairhaven now is. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 105 

he had seen th'ut day about one hundred men of the 
enemy go down into Sconticut neck, and that they 
were now returning again. Upon which they three 
ran down immediately to a meadow where Lightfoot 
said [that], the Indians had passed, where they not 
only saw their tracks, but also them. Whereupon 
they iay close, until the enemy came into the said 
meadow, and the foremost set down his load, and 
halted until all the company came up, and then took 
up their loads and marched again the same way that 
they came down into the neck, which was the near- 
est way unto their camp. Had they gone the other 
way, along the river, they could not have missed 
Captain Church's track, which would doubtless have 
exposed them to the loss of their prisoners, if not of 
their lives. 

But as soon as the coast was clear of them, the 
Captain sends his Lightfoot to fetch his prisoners 
from the island, while he and Mr. Dillano returned 
to the company ; sent part of them to conduct Light- 
foot and his company to the aforesaid meadow, where 
Captain Church and his company met them. Cross- 
ing the enemy's track they made all haste until they 
got over Mattapoiset river,* near about four miles 
beyond the ruins of Cook's house, where he appoint- 
ed to meet his Indian company, whither he sent Dil- 
lano with two more to meet them; ordering them 
that if the Indians were not arrived to wait for them. 

Accordingly, finding no Indians there, they waited 
until late in the night, when they arrived with their 
booty. They despatched a post to their Captain, to 
give him an account of their success, but the day 
broke before they came to him. And when they 
had compared successes, they very remarkably found 
that the number that each company had taken and 

* (In Rochester.) 

Quite a small stream, to the east of which is the village of this 
name, though now usually pronounced Mattapois. See note 2, 
on page 32. 

£ 



106 PHILIP'S WAR. 

slain was equal. The Indians had killed three of 
the enemy, and taken sixty-three prisoners, as the 
English had done before them. 

Both the English and Indians were surprised at 
this remarkable providence, and were both parties 
rejoicing at it; being both before afraid of what 
might have been the unequal success of the parties. 
But the Indians had the fortune to take more arms 
than the English. 

They told the Captain, that they had missed a 
brave opportunity by parting; [that] they came upon 
a great town of the enemy, viz., Captain Tyasks'* 
company; (Tyasks was the next man to Philip) that 
they fired upon the enemy before they were discover- 
ed, and ran upon them with a shout; [and] the men 
ran and left their wives and children, and many of 
them their guns. They took Tyasks' wife and son, 
and thought, that if their Captain and the English 
company had been with them, they might have taken 
some hundreds of them; and now they determined 
not to part any more. 

That night, Philip sent (as afterwards they found 
out) a great army to waylay Captain Church at the 
entering on of Assawomset neck, expecting [that] he 
would have returned the same way [that] he went in; 
but that was never his method to return the same way 
that he came; and at this time going another way, 
he escaped falling into the hands of his enemies. 
The next day they went home by Scipican,f and got 
well with their prisoners to Plymouth. 

* In another place, Annawon is called the next man to Philip, 
or his chief Captain. Hubbard spelt his name Tiashq, and 
informs us that he surrendered himself to the English in June ; 
but this could not be the case, as it was now near the end of 
July, if the Indians knew the company to be Tyasks'. Though 
nothing is said in the text that we might be positive that Tyasks 
was there, yet Hubbard says that lus "wife and child" were taken 
first. Nar. 230. 

f A small river in Rochester. Near its mouth is the little 
Tillage of Scipican, 4 mile3 to the eastward of Mattapoiset. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 107 

He soon went out again, and this stroke he drove 
many weeks. And when he took any number of 
prisoners, he would pick out some that he took a 
fancy to, and would tell them, [that] he took a par- 
ticular fancy to them, and had chosen them for him- 
self to make soldiers of; and if any would behave 
themselves well, he w^uld do well by them, and they 
should be his men, and not sold out of the country. 
If he perceived [that] they looked surly, and his In- 
dian soldiers called them treacherous dogs, as some 
of them would sometimes do, all the notice he would 
take of it, would only be to clap them on the back, 
and tell them, "Come, come, you look wild and surly, 
and mutter, but that signifies nothing; these my best 
soldiers, were, a little while ago, as wild and surly 
as you are now; by that time you have been but one 
day along with me, you will love me too, and be as 
brisk as any of them." And it proved so; for there 
was none of them, but (after they had been a little 
while with him, and seen his behaviour, and how 
cheerful and successful his men were) would be as 
ready to pilot him to any place where the Indians 
dwelt or haunted, (though their own fathers, or near- 
est relations should be among them) or to fight for 
him, as any of his own men. 

Captain Church was, in two particulars, much ad- 
vantaged by the great English army* that was now 

*I cannot learn as this "great army" was in much active 
service about this time. But the Connecticut soldiers were 
very active. A party under Capt. Denison took prisoner 
Canonehet, or Nanunttenoo, as he was last called, "the 
chief sachem of all the Narragansets," who had oome down 
from the Nipmuck country to get seed corn to plant the de- 
serted settlements on Connecticut river. Canonehet was 
near Pautucket river with a company of his men, and while 
secure in his tent, and was relating over his exploits against 
the English, Denison flpme upon him. He fled with all 
haste, but as he was crossing the river, a misstep brought 
his gun under water, and retarded his progress. One Mo- 
nopoide, a Pequot, being swift of foot, first came up with 
him. He made no resistance, though he was a man of great 



108 PHILIP'S WAR. 

abroad. One was, that they drove the enemy down 
to that part of the country, viz., to the eastward of 
Taunton river, by which his business was nearer 
home. The other was, that when he fell on with a 
push upon any body of the enemy, (were they never 
so many) they fled, expecting the great army. And 
his manner of marching through the woods was 
such, [that] 1 if he were discovered, they appeared 
to be more than they were ; for he always marched 
at a wide distance one from another, partly for their 
safety: And this was an Indian custom to march 
thin and scattered. 

Captain Church inquired of some of the Indians 
that were become his soldiers, how they got such 
advantage, often, of the English in their marches 
through the woods? They told him, that the In- 

strength. A young Englishman next came up, and asked him 
some questions, but he would make no answer. At length, 
casting a look of neglect on his youthful face, said, in broken 
English, "You too much child; no understand matters of war- 
Let your Captain come; him I will answer." He would not 
accept of his life when offered him ; and when told that he was 
to die, said, "He liked it well; that he should die before his heart 
was soft, or he had spoken any thing unworthy of himself. He 
was afterward shot at Stonington. And by Autumn, this with 
other volunteer companies killed and took 230 of the enemy, 
and 50 muskets; these exploits were continued until the 
Narragansets were all driven out of the country, except Ninigret. 
Trumbull, I, 343 to 345. The regular soldiers under Major 
Talcot marched into the Nipmuck's country, where at one time 
they killed and took 52 of the enemy. This was in the begin- 
ning of June. On 12 June they came upon about 700 In- 
dians, who were furiously besieging Hadley, whom they im- 
mediately dispersed. On their return to the Narraganset 
country they came upon the main body of the enemy near a 
large cedar swamp, who mostly fled into it. But being sur- 
rounded, 171 were killed and taken, ^.mong them was Mag- 
nus, the old Queen of Narraganset. Near Providence they 
made prisoners, and killed 67; and soon after 60 more on their 
return to Connecticut. Holmes, I, 431 to 433. See note 1, on 
page 103. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 109 

dians gained great advantage of the English by two 
things; [they] 1 always took care in their marches 
and fights, not to come too thick together; but the 
English always kept in a heap together; [so] that it 
was as easy to hit them, as to hit a house. The other 
. was, that if at any time they discovered a company 
of English soldiers in the woods, they knew that 
there were all, for the English never scattered, but 
the Indians always divided and scattered. 

Captain Church [being] now at Plymouth, some- 
thing or other happened that kept him at home a 
few days, until a post came to Marshfield on the 
Lord's* day morning, informing the Governour, that 
a great army of Indians were discovered, who it was 
supposed were designing to get over the river to- 
wards Taunton or Bridgewater,f to attack those 
towns that lay on that side [of] the river. The 
Governour hastened to Plymouth, raised what men he 
could by the way, came to Plymouth in the begin- 
ning of the forenoon exercise, sent for Captain 
Church out of the meeting house, gave him the 
news, and desired him immediately to rally what of 
his company he could, and what men he had raised 
should join them. 

The Captain bestirs himself, but found no bread 
in the store house, and so was forced to run from 
house to house to get household bread for their 
march. But this nor any thing else prevented his 
marching by the beginning of the afternoon exercise. 
Marching with what menj were ready, he took with 
him the post that came from Bridgewater to pilot 
him to the place where he thought he might meet 
with the enemy. 

1 [the Indians] 

* July 30, 1676. 

fThis word in the text was given uniformly without the 
first e. 
J He had "about 30 Englishmen and 20 reconciled Indians." 



3=«J 



110 PHILIP'S WAR. 

In the evening they heard a smart firing at a dis- 
tance from them, but it being near night, and the 
firing but of short continuance, they missed the 
3lace, and went into Bridge water town. It seems 
that] the occasion of the firing was, that Philip, 
inding that Captain Church made that side of the 
country too hot for him, designed to return to the 
other side of the country that he came last from. 
And coming to Taunton river with his company, 
they felled a great tree across the river, for a bridge 
to pass over on. And just as Philip's old uncle 
Akkompoin,* and some other of his chiefs were pass- 
ing over the tree, some brisk Bridgewater lads had 
ambushed them, fired upon them, and killed the old 
man, and several others, which put a stop to their 
coming over the river that night. \ 

Next morning, Captain Church 'moved very early 
wrth his company, which was increased by many of 
Bridgewater, that enlisted under him for that expe- 
dition; and by their piloting, soon came very still 
to the top of the great tree, which the enemy had 
fallen across the river, and the Captain spied an In- 
dian sitting on the stump of it on the other side of 
the river, and he clapped his gun up, and had doubt- 
less despatched him, but that one of his own Indians 
called hastily to him, not to fire, for he believed it 
was one of their own men. Upon which the Indian 
upon the stump, looked about, and Captain Church's 
Indian seeing his face, perceived his mistake, for he 
knew him to be Philip; clapped up his gun and 
fired, but it was too late; for Philip immediately 
threw himself off the stump, leaped down a bank on 
the other side of the river and made his escape. J 

* This might be a brother of Massassoit, but we hear of none 
but Quadequinah. 

\ Hubbard places the date of this action on the 31; but 
according to our author it was on Sunday, and Sunday was the 30. 

| He had not long before cut off his hair that he might no* **» 
known. Hubbard. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 

t 

Captain Church, as soon as possible g 
river, and scattered in quest of Philip ana 
pany; but the enemy scattered and fled eve 
[ — J 1 He picked up a considerable many o 
women and children, among which were Philip 
wife and son; [the son] 2 about nine years ol 
Discovering a considerable new track along the rive 
and examining the prisoners, found [that] it wa* 
Qunnapin and the Narragansets, that were drawings 
off from those parts towards the Narraganset coun- 
try. He inquired of the prisoners, whether Philip 
was gone in the same track? They told him that 
they did not know; for he fled in a great fright when 
the first English gun was fired, and [that] they had 
none of them seen or heard any thing of him since. 

Captain Church left part of his company there to 
secure the prisoners [which] they got, and to pick 
up what more they could find, and with the rest of 
his company hastened in the track of the enemy to 
overtake them, if it might be before they got over the 
river; and ran some miles along the river, until he 
came to a place where the Indians had waded over; 
and he with his company waded over after them, up 
to the armpits ; being . almost as wet before with 
sweat as the river could make them. Following 
about a mile further, and not overtaking them, and 
the Captain being under [a] necessity to return that 
night to the army, came to a halt; told his company 
[that] he must return to his other men. His Indian 
soldiers moved for leave to pursue the enemy, 
**. (though he returned) ; [they] said [that] the Narra- 
gansets were great rogues, and [that] they wanted 
to be revenged on them for killing some of their 
relations; named Tockamona, (Awashonks' brother) 
and some others. Captain Church bade them go and 
prosper, and made Lightfoot their chief, and gave 
him the title of Captain. Bid them go and quit 
mselves like men. And away they scampered like 
any horses. 

t 



112 PHILIPS WAR. 

Next morning* early they returned to their Cap- 
tain, and informed him that they had come up with 
the enemy, and killed several of them, and brought 
him thirteen of them prisoners. [TheyJVere mighty 
proud of their exploit, and rejoiced much at the op- 
portunity of avenging themselves. f Captain Church 
sent the prisoners to Bridgewater, and sent out his 
scouts to see what enemies or tracks they could 
[find.] Discovering some small tracks, he followed 
them, found where the enemy had kindled some fires, 
and roasted some flesh, &c, but had put out their 
fires and were gone. 

The Captain followed them by the track, putting 
his Indians in the front ; some of which were such 
as he had newly taken from the enemy, and added 
to his company. [He] gave them orders to march 
softly, and upon hearing a whistle in the rear, to sit 
down, till further order; or, upon discovery of any 
of the enemy, to stop; for his design was, if he 
could discover where the enemy were, not to fall 
upon them (unless necessitated to it) until next morn- 
ing. The Indians in the front came up with many 
women and children, and others that were faint and 
tired, and so not able to keep up with the company 
These gave them an account, that Philip with a 
great number of the enemy, was a little before. 

Captain Church's Indians told the others, [that] 
they were their prisoners, but if they would submit 
to order, and be still, no one should hurt them. 
They being their old acquaintance, were easily per- 
suaded to conform. A little before sunset there 
was a halt in the front, until the Captain came up. 
They told him [that] they discovered the enemy. 
He ordered them to dog them, and watch their mo- 
tion till it was dark. But Philip soon came to a 
stop, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to 

* August 1st. 

f Mr. Hubbard takes no notice of this exploit. 



r 



PHILIP'S WAR. 113 

make fires; and a great noise they made. Captain 
Church draws his company up in a ring, and sat 
down in the swamp without any noise or fire. 

The Indian prisoners were much surprised to see 
the English soldiers; but the Captain told them, 
[that] if they would be quiet, and not make any dis- 
turbance or noise, they should meet with civil treat- 
ment; but if they made any disturbance, or offered 
to run, or make their escape, he would immediately 
kill them all; so they were very submissive and ob- 
sequious. 

When the day broke, Captain Church told his pri- 
soners, that his expedition was such, at [that] 1 time, 
that he could not afford them any guard ; told them, 
[that] they would find it to be [to] their interest, 
to attend the orders he was now about to give them ; 
which were, that when the fight was over, which 
they now expected, or as soon as the firing ceased, 
they must follow the track of his company, and come 
to them. (An Indian is next to a blood hound to 
follow a track.) He said to them, it would be in vain 
for them to think of disobedience, or to gain any 
thing by it; for he had taken and killed a great many 
of the Indian rebels, and should, in a little time kill 
and take all the rest, &c. 

By this time it began to be [as] 2 light as the time 
that he usually chose to make his onset. He moved, 
sending two soldiers before, to try, if they could 
privately discover the enemy's postures. But very 
unhappily it fell out, that [at] the very same time, 
Philip had sent two of his [men] as a scout upon his 
own track, to see if none dogged [him.] 3 [They] 4 
spied the two Indian men, [ — ] 5 turned short about, 
and fled with all speed to their camp, and Captain 
Church pursued as fast as he could. The two In- 
dians set a yelling and howling, and made the most 
hideous noise they could invent, soon gave the alarm 
to Philip and his camp, who all fled at the first tid- 
1 [thirl '[&<>] '[them] * [who] 8 [and] 
8 



PHILIP'S WAR. 

x ings ; left their kettles boiling, and meat loasting 
upon their wooden spits, and ran into a swamp,* with 
no other breakfast, than what Captain Church after- 
wards treated them with. 

Captain Church pursuing, sent Mr. Isaac How- 
landf with a party on one side of the swamp, while 
himself with the rest, ran on the other side, agreeing 
to run on each side, until they met on the further 
end. Placing some men in secure stands at that end 
of the swamp where Philip entered, concluding that 
if they headed him, and beat him back, that he 
would taKe back in his own track. Captain Church 
and Mr. Howland soon met at the further end of the 
swamp, (it not being a great one) where they met 
with a great number of the enemy, well armed, com- 
ing out of the swamp. But on sight of the English, 
they seemed very much surprised and tacked short. 
Captain Church called hastily to them, and said, 
[that] if they fired one gun they were all dead men; 
for he would have them to know that he had them 
hemmed in with a force sufficient to command them ; 
but if they peaceably surrendered, they should have 
good quarter,J &c. They seeing the Indians and 
English come so thick upon them, were so surprised, 
that many of them stood still and let the English 
come and take the guns out of their hands, when 
they were both charged and cocked. 

Many, both men, women and children of the ene- 
my, were imprisoned at this time; while Philip, 
. _ . ._ 

* This swamp was on the west side of Taunton river, in 
Mattapoiset neck in Swanzey. 

f A brother to Jabez Howland before mentioned, and son of 
the first John Howland, whose name lives among the celebrated 
FORTY ONE. See note 1, page 89. 

| We may conclude that Mr. Hubbard is more correct in his 
account of this affair than our author; he says, that one of 
Church's Indians called to them in their own language, &c, which 
from the circumstance that Mr. Church could not speak Indian 
is creditable. Nar. 223, 



PHILIP'S WAR. 115 

Tispaquin, Totoson,* &c, concluded that the Eng- 
lish would pursue them upon their tracks, so were 
waylaying [them] 1 at the first end of the swamp; 
hoping thereby to gain a shot upon Captain Church, 
who was now better employed in taking prisoners, 
and running them into a valley, in form something 
[ — ] 2 like a punch bowl; and appointing a guard 
of two files, treble armed with guns taken from the 

But Philip having waited all this while in vain, 
enemy. 

now moves on after the rest of his company to see 
what was become of them. And by this time Cap- 
tain Church had got into the swamp ready to meet 
him, and as it happened made the first discovery, 
clapped behind a tree, until Philip's company came 
pretty near, and then fired upon them; killed many 
of them, and a close skirmish followed. Upon this 
Philip having grounds sufficient to suspect the event 
of his company that went before them, fled back upon 
his own track ; and coming to the place where the 
ambush lay, they fired on each other, and one Lucas 
of Plymouth, not being so careful as he might have 
been about his stand, was killed by the Indians. 

In this swamp skirmish Captain Church, with his 
two men who always ran by his side, as his guard, 
met with three of the enemy, two of which surren- 
dered themselves, and the Captain's guard seized 
them, but the other, being a great, stout, surly fellow, 

1 [their tracks] 3 [shaped] 

*A son of the noted Sam Barrow. Totoson, as will pre- 
sently be seen, died of grief for the destruction of his family, 
and loss of his country. He was one of the six Narraganset 
sachems that subscribed the treaty in July, 1675. His prin- 
cipal place of resort was in Rochester, on the left of the main 
road as you pass from the village of Rochester to Mattapoi- 
set, and about two miles from the latter. It was a piece of 
high ground in a large swamp, connected to the high land by 
a narrow neck, over which, all had to pass to visit him. The 
road passes near where this . -»ck joins the high ground. MS. 
Recollections. 



116 PHILIPS WAR. 

with his two locks tied up with red, and a great rat- 
tlesnake's skin hanging to the back part of his head, 
(who Captain Church concluded to be Totoson) ran 
from them into the swamp. Captain Church in per- 
son pursued him close, till coming pretty near up 
with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, 
but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned 
and presented at Captain Church, [but his gun] 1 
missing fire also; (their guns taking wet with the fog 
and dew of the morning) [and] 2 the Indian turning 
short for another run, his foot tripped in a small grape 
vine, and he fell flat on his face. Captain Church 
was by this time up with him, and struck the muzzle 
of his gun, an inch and a half, into the back part of 
his head, which despatched him without another *■■ 
blow. # But Captain Church looking behind him, 
saw Totoson, the Indian whom he thought he had 
killed, come flying at him like a dragon; but this 
happened to be fair in sight of the guard that were 
set to keep the prisoners, who, spying Totoson and 
others that were following him, in the very seasonable 
juncture made a shot upon them, and rescued their 
Captain; though he was in no small danger from his 
friends' bullets; for some of them came so near him 
that he thought he felt the wind of them. 

The skirmish being over, they gathered their pri- 
soners together, and found the number that they had 
killed and taken, was one hundred and seventy-three, 
(the prisoners which they took over night included) 
who after the skirmish, came to them as they were 
ordered, t 

Now having no provisions but what they took from 
1 [and] a [but] 

* It cannot, now, be ascertained who this Indian warriour was, 
but his bravery was not unequal, perhaps, to numberless civilized 
warriours whose individual fame has filled far bulkier books 
than this. 

f These exploits took up two days, namely the 2, and 3 
August. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 117 

the enemy, they hastened to Bridgewater, sending an 
express before to provide for them, their company 
being now very numerous.* 

The gentlemen of Bridgewater met Captain Church 
with great expressions of honour and thanks, and re- 
ceived him and his army with all due respect and 
kind treatment. 

Captain Church drove his prisoners (that night) 
into Bridgewater pound, and set his Indian soldiers 
to guard them. They being well treated with victu- 
als and drink, they had a merry night, and the prison- 
ers laughed as loud as the soldiers; not being so 
treated [for] a long time before. 

Some of the Indians now said to Captain Church, 
" Sir, you have now made Philip ready to die, for 
you have made him as poor and miserable as he used 
to make the English; for you have now killed or 
taken all [of] his relations; that they believed he 
would now soon have his head, and that this bout 
had almost broken his heart," 

The next dayf Captain Church moved, and arriv- 
ed with all his prisoners safe at Plymouth. The 
great English army was now at Taunton, and Major 
Talcot,J with the Connecticut forces, being in these 
parts of the country, did considerable spoil upon the 
enemy. 

* Church had but about 80 Englishmen and 20 reconciled 
Indians, says Hubbard, 223, as before noted; and that he 
took about 153 prisoners. It is probable that he is a little 
out of the way in the former, as well as the latter part of the 
statement. 

f August 14. 

J Major John Talcot. It is to be regretted that we have 
no account of this military chieftain in a biographical work. 
There are many of this class, which, should they receive a 
small part of the attention bestowed on some obscure charac- 
ters, would add much to the value of such works. I have 
little information of Major Talcot, except what is contain- 
ed in the valuable History of Connecticut. In note 1, on 
page 107, a few of his exploits are sketched; but about this 
time he was as busy as Church, and performed very signal 



]18 PHILIP'S WAR. 

Now Captain Church being arrived at Plymouth 
received thanks from the government for his good 
service, &c. Many of his soldiers were disbanded, 
and he thought to rest himself awhile ; being much 
fatigued, and his health impaired, by excessive heats 
and colds, wading through rivers, &c. But it was 
not long before he was called upon to rally, upon 
advice that some of the enemy were discovered in 
Dartmouth woods. 

He took his Indians and as many English volun- 
teers as presented to go with him ; scattering into 
small parcels, Mr. Jabez Howland (who was now, 
and often, his Lieutenant, and a worthy good soldier) 
had the fortune to discover and imprison a parcel 
of the enemy. In the evening they met together at 
an appointed place, and by examining the prisoners 
they gained intelligence of Totoson's haunt.* And 
being brisk in the morning, they soon gained an ad- 
vantage of Totoson's company,f though he himself, 

services. After he head recruited his men at home a short 
time, he received intelligence that a large body of Indians 
were fleeing to the westward. Major Talcot overtook them 
near the close of the third day, between Westfield and Alba- 
ny on the west side of Housatonick river. On the following 
morning he divided his men into two parties; one was to 
cross the river and come upon their front, at the same time 
the other fell upon their rear. This well concerted plan 
came near being ruined; as the first party were crossing the 
river they were discovered by one of the enemy who was 
out, fishing. He hallooed, "Awannux I Awannux!" and was 
immediately shot down. This surprised the enemy, and 
the gun was taken for the signal to begin the onset by the 
3ther party, who discharged upon them as they were rising 
from sleep. All that were not killed or wounded fled into 
the woods which were very thick, and the pursuit was given 
up. Forty-five of the enemy were killed and taken, among 
the former was the sachem of Quabaog. The army now 
returned. The Major had at first 350 men beside friendly 
Indians. 

* See note on page 115. 

fHubtird, Nar. 232, says that about fifty were taken &% 
this time. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 119 

with his son about eight years old, made their escape, 
and one old squaw with them, to Agawom,* his own 
country. But Sam Barrow, f as noted a rogue as 
any among the enemy, fell into the hands of the Eng- 
lish at this time. Captain Church told him, that be- 
cause of his inhuman murders and barbarities, the 
Court had allowed him no quarter, but was to be 
forthwith put to death ; and therefore he was to pre- 
pare for it. Barrow replied, that the sentence of 
death against him was just, and that indeed he was 
ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more fa- 
vour, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco before his 
execution. When he had taken a few whiffs, he said, 
he was ready ; upon which one of Captain Church's 
Indians sunk his hatchet into his brains. 

The famous Totoson arriving at Agawom,f his 
son,§ which was the last that was left of the family, 
(Captain Church having destroyed all the rest) fell 
sick. The wretch reflecting upon the miserable con 
dition he had brought himself into, his heart became 
a stone within him, and [he] died. The old squaw 
flung a few leaves and brush over him, came into 
Sandwich, and gave this account of his death; and 
offered to show them where she left his body ; but 
never had the opportunity, for she immediately fell 
sick and died also. 

* In Rochester. 

+ 1 find nothing more recorded of. Barrow, than what is here 
given. It appears that he had been a noted villain, and perhaps 
his sentence was just. But he was an old man, and would have 
died soon enough without murdering. No doubt he made great 
efforts to redeem his sinking country, an account of which can- 
not be had at this day, which with many others we have greatly 
to lament the loss of with the generations to come. 

J (Several places were called Agawom ; [or Agawam] as at 
Ipswich and Springfield; this Agawom lies in Wareham.) 

It is probable that Totoson had other places of resort as well 
as in Rochester, but that described in note on page 115, is sup- 
posed to be the principal. 

{Totoson, son of Sa :i Barrow, is meant 



120 



PHILIP'S WAR. 



Captain Church being now at Plymouth again, 
weary and worn, would have gone home to his wife 
and family, but the government being solicitous to 
engage him in the service until Philip was slain ; and 
promising him satisfaction and redress for some mis- 
treatment that he had met with, he fixes for another 
expedition. 

He had soon volunteers enough to make up the 
company he desired, and marched through the 
woods, until he came to Pocasset. And not seeing 
or hearing of any of the enemy, they went over the 
ferry to Rhodeisland, to refresh themselves. The 
Captain with about half a dozen in his company, 
took horses and rode about eight miles down the 
island, to Mr. Sanford's, where he had left his wife.* 
[She] 1 no sooner saw him, but fainted with surprise ; 
and by that time she was a little revived, they spied 
two horsemen coming a great pace. Captain Church 
told his company, that " Those men (by their riding) 
come with tidings." When they came up, they prov- 
ed to be Major Sanford,f and Captain Golding. 
[They] 2 immediately asked Captain Church, what 
he would give to hear some news of Philip ? He re- 
plied, that [that] was what he wanted. They told 
him, [that] they had rode hard with some hopes of 
overtaking him, and were now come on purpose to 
inform him, that there were just now tidings from 
Mounthope. An Indian came down from thence 
(where Philip's camp now was) [ — ] 3 to Sandy point, 
over against Trip's, and hallooed, and made signs to 
'[who] '[who] 8 [on] 



*This was on the 11 August. 

f The same very probably, who arrested Sir Edmund Andros 
atR. I. in 1689. Andros was then a prisoner at the castle in 
Boston harbour, when his servant, by the assistance of Bacchus, 
caused the sentinel to let him stand in his stead, and Sir Edmund 
escaped. Hutchinson, I, 349. The name is not uniformly spelt 
In the text of Hutchinson, the first d is omitted; as in our text 
page 102, but in his fodex two des are used. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 121 

be fet»vlw*i over. And being fetched over, he report- 
ed, thai ire was fled from Philip, " who (said he) has 
killed my Lrother just before I came away, for giv- 
ing some advice that displeased him."* And said, 
that] he was fled for fear of meeting with the same 
lis brother had met with. Told them also, that 
'. D hilip was now in Mounthope neck. Captain Church 
thanked them for their good news, and said, [that] 
he hoped by to-morrow morning to have the rogue's 
head. The horses that he and his company came 
on, standing at the door, (for they had not been un- 
saddled) his wife must content herself with a short 
visit, when such game was ahead. They immediate- 
ly mounted, set spurs to their horses, and away. 

The two gentlemen that brought him the tidings, 
told him, [that] they would gladly wait upon him to 
see the event of the expedition. He thanked them, 
and told them, [that] he should be as fond of their 
company as any men's ; and (in short) they went 
with him. And they were soon at Trip's ferry, (with 
Captain Church's company) where the deserter was. 
He] 1 was a fellow of good sense, and told his story 
landsomely. He offered Captain Church, to pilot 
lira to Philip, and to help to kill him, that he might 
revenge his brother's death. Told him, that Philip 
was now upon a little spot of upland, that was in the 
south end of the miry swamp, just at the foot of the 
mount, which was a spot of ground that Captain 
Church was well acquainted with. 

By that time they were over the ferry, and came 
near the ground,half the night was spent. The Cap- 
tain commands a halt, and bringing the company to- 
gether, he asked Major Sanford's and Captain Gold- 
ing's advice, what method [it] was best to take in 
making the onset ; but they declined giving him any 
1 [who] 

* Mr. Hubbard says that it was for advising him to make 
peace with the English. 
F 



~zrS 



122 PHILIP'S WAR. 

advice ; telling him, that his great experience and 
success forbid their taking upon them to give advice. 
Then Captain Church offered Captain Golding [ — J 1 
the honour (if he would please accept of it) to beat 
uf> Philip's headquarters. He accepted the offer 
and had his allotted number drawn out to him, and 
the pilot. Captain Church's instructions to him 
were, to be very careful in his approach to the ene- 
my, and be sure not to show himself, until by day- 
light they might see and discern their own men from 
the enemy ; told him also, that his custom in like 
cases, was, to creep with his company, on their bel- 
lies, until they came as near as they could ; and that 
as soon as the enemy discovered them, they would 
cry out, and that was the word for his men to fire 
and fall on. [He] directed him, [that] when the 
enemy should start and take into the swamp, [that] 
they should pursue with speed ; every man shouting 
and making what noise [he] 2 could ; for he would 
give orders to his ambuscade to fire on any that 
should come silently. 

Captain Church knowing that it was Philip's cus- 
tom to be foremost in the flight, went down to the 
swamp, and ^ave Captain Williams of Scituate the 
command of the right wing of the ambush, and pla- 
ced an Englishman and an Indian together behind 
such shelters of trees, &c, [as] 3 he could find, and 
took care to place them at such distance, that none 
might pass undiscovered between them ; charged 
them to be careful of themselves, and of hurting 
their friends, and to fire at any that should come si- 
lently through the swamp. But [it] being somewhat 
farther through the swamp than he was aware of, he 
wanted men to make up his ambuscade. 

Having placed what men he had, he took Major 
Sanford by the hand, [and] said, " Sir I have so pla- 
ced them that it is scarce possible Philip should 
escape them." The same moment a shot whistled 
1 [that he should h? e] 2 [they] 3 [that] 



PHILIP'S WAR. 123 

over their heads, and then the noise of a gtm towards 
Philip's camp. Captain Church, at first, thought 
[that] it might be some gun fired by accident ; but 
before he could speak, a whole volley followed, which 
was earlier than he expected. One of Philip's gang 
going forth to ease himself, when he had done, look- 
ed round him, ana Captain Golding thought [that] 
the Indian looked right at him, (though probably it 
was but his conceit) so fired at him ; and upon his 
firing, the whole company that were with him fired 
upon the enemy's shelter, before the Indians had 
time to rise from their sleep, and so over shot them. 
But their shelter was open on that side next the 
swamp, built so on purpose for the convenience of 
flight on occasion. They were soon in the swamp, 
but Philip the foremost, who started at the first gun, 
threw his petunk and powderhorn over his head, 
catched up his gun, and ran as fast as he could 
scamper, without any more clothes than his small 
breeches and stockings ; and ran directly on two of 
Captain Church's ambush. They let him come fair 
within shot, and the Englishman's gun missing fire, 
he bid the Indian fire away, and he did so to [the] 
purpose; sent one musket bullet through his heart, 
and another not above two inches from it. He fell 
upon his face in the mud and water, with his gun un- 
der him.* 

* Thus fell ffie celebrated King Philip, the implacable enemy 
of civilization. Never, perhaps, did the fall of any prince or 
warriour afford so much space for solid reflection. Had the 
resources of this hero been equal to those of his enemies, what 
would have been their fate % This exterminating war had not been 
known to millions ! How vast the contrast ! when this country 
is viewed in its present populous and flourishing state, extending 
over thousands of miles, and the sound of civilization emanating 
from every part ; and when presented to the imagination in the 
days of Philip ; with only here and there a solitary dwelling 
surrounded with an endless wilderness. 

Before the fall of Philip, t J -e Indians for some time had been 
loosing ground, and wer* considered as nearly subdued, 



124 PHILIP'S WAR. 

By this time the enemy perceived [that] they were 
waylaid on the east side of the swamp, [and] tacked 
short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be 
a great, surly old fellow ; hallooed with a loud voice, 
and often called out, " lootash, Iootash"* Captain 
Church* called to his Indian, Peter, and asked him, 
who that was that called so 1 He answered, that it 
was old Annawon,f Philip's great Captain; calling 

but this event clearly decided their fate ; doubts were no 
longer entertained of their appearing formidable. To this 
memorable and important event, we are able to fix the date, 
with that certainty, which adds, lustre to the pages of histo- 
ry. Other historians agree that it was on the 12 August, 
and this history clearly indicates that it was on the morning 
of a certain day, which, therefore, falls on Saturday morning. 
12 August, 1676. Mr. Hubbard, Nar. 226, says, "Willi 
Philip at this time fell five of his trustiest followers." To 
know their names would be a relief. 

* This is evidently a word of three syllables, and is very ezsy 
to pronounce. It should be thus divided, 1-oo-tash ; giving the 
second syllable the same sound that oo has in moose, mood, 
&c. Why Dr. Morse should alter this word to Tootash, I 
cannot account. It is certainly an unwarrantable deviation 
and should not be countenanced. See Annals of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, 53, and the edition of 1820 of his Hist. N. 
England. 

f This word also, the author of the Annals of the Ameri- 
can Revolution has thought proper to alter to Anawon ; this, 
however, is less important than that mentioned in the last 
note, but should not be warranted. Some contend that its 
termination should be written wan, as being raore agreeable 
to analogy. I cannot think that it is ; because*the author, 
without doubt, intended by the termination won, to convey 
the sound ofioun, and not that heard in swan. 

What is preserved of this warriour is found in this history. 
His principal camp was in Squannaconk swamp, in Reho- 
both, where he was taken by Church, as will presently be 
seen. In a preceding page, Tyasks was called the next man 
to Philip ; but, that Annawon stood in that place, is evident 
from his being possessed of that chief's royalties after he was 
killed. Mr. Hubbard s?ys that a son of Philip's chief Captain 
was killed when Philip was. But as it is not possible for me 
to ascertain with certainty who he means by Philip's chief 
Captain, we cannot tell whether he were a son of Annawon 
or not ; but it appears quite probable to me that he was. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 125 

on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly. Now 
the enemy finding that place of the swamp which 
was not ambushed, many of them made their escape 
in the English tracks. 

The man that had shot down Philip, ran with all 
speed to Captain Church, and informed him of his 
exploit, who commanded him to be silent about it 
and let no man more know it, until they had driven 
the swamp clean. But when they had driven the 
swamp through, and found [that] the enemy had 
escaped, or at least, the most of them, and the sun 
now up, and so the dew gone, that they could not 
easily track them, the whole company met together 
at the place where the enemy's night shelter was. 
and then Captain Church gave them the news of 
Philip's death. Upon which the whole army gave 
three loud huzzas. 

Captain Church ordered his body to be pulled out 
of the mire to the upland. So some of Captain 
Church's Indians took hold of him by his stockings, 
and some by his small breeches,- (being otherwise 
naked) and drew him through the mud to the up- 
land; and a doleful, great, naked, dirty beast he 
looked like.* Captain Church then said, that foras- 
much as he had caused many an Englishman's body 
to be unburied, and to rot above ground, that not 
one of his bones should be buried. And calling his 
old Indian executioner, bid him behead and quarter 
him. Accordingly he came with his hatchet and 
stood over him, but before he struck he made a small 
speech directing it to Philip, [which was, that] 1 " he 
had been a very great man, and had made many a 
man afraid of him, but so big as he was, he would now 
l [and said] 

* How natural is the propensity of man, to exult in the fall of 
his enemy ! However great or brave, if the great disposer of 
events renders him unprofitably so, no allowance is made in tho 
day of victory, though thtf honour of the conaueror is measured 
by that of his foe. 



126 PHILIP'S WAR 

chop him in pieces."* And so he went to work 
and did as he was ordered.f 

Philip having one very remarkable hand, being 
much scarred, occasioned by the splitting of a pis- 
tol in it formerly, Captain Church gave the head 
and that hand to Alderman, J the Indian who shot 
liim, to show to such gentlemen as would bestow gra- 
tuities upon him ; and accordingly he got many a 
penny by it. 

This being on the last day of the week, the Cap- 
tain with his company, returned to the island, [and] 
tarried there until Tuesday ;§ and then went off and 
ranged through all the woods to Plymouth, and re- 
ceived their premium, which was thirty shillings per 
head, for the enemies which they had killed or taken, 
instead of all wages ; and Philip's head went at the 
same price. Methinks it is scanty reward, and poor 
encouragement ; though it was better than [it] 1 had 
i [what] 

* Dr. Morse in copying from this history, quotes the above 
speech thus ; " You have been one very great man. You 
have made many a man afraid of you. But so big as you be, 
I will chop you in pieces." 

t Being quartered he was hahged up, and his head carried 
in triumph to Plymouth. Magnalia, II, 498, 499. " That 
very night [previous to his death] Philip had been dreaming 
that he was fallen into the hands of the English ; and now 
just as he was telling his dream, with advice unto his friends 
to ily for their lives, lest the knave who had newly gone from 
them should show the English how to come at them, Captain 
Church, with his company, fell in upon them." Ibid. Per- 
haps this story deserves as much credit as that on page 20, 
note 1. Mr. Hubbard, no doubt heard this part of the story, 
but perhaps not having as much faith in dreams as the au- 
thor of the Magnalia, thought proper to omit it. 

$ This was the same Indian, whose brother was killed, 
and who informed the English where to find Philip. Trusi- 
bull, Hist. Con. I, 349. 

§ August 15. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 121 

been some time before. For this march they receiv- 
ed four shillings and sixpence a man, which was all 
the reward they had, except the honour of killing 
p hilip. This was in the latter end* of August, 1676. 

Captain Church had been but a little while at Ply- 
mouth, before a post from Rehoboth came to inform 
the Governour, that old Annawon, Philip's chief Cap- 
tain, was with his company ranging about their 
woods, and was very offensive and pernicious to Re- 
hoboth and Swanzey. Captain Church was imme- 
diately sent for again, and treated with to engage in 
one expedition more. He told them, [that] their en- 
couragement was so poor, he feared [that] his sol- 
diers would be dull about going again. But being 
a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to 
Mr. Jabez Rowland, his old Lieutenant, and some 
of his soldiers that used to go out with him ; told 
them how the case was circumstanced, and that he 
had intelligence of old Annawon's walk and haunt, 
and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not want 
much entreating, but told him, [that] they would go 
with him as long as there was an Indian left in the 
woods. He moved and ranged through the woods 
to Pocasset. 

It being the latter end of the week, he proposed 
to go on to Rhodeisland, and rest until Monday: 
but on the Lord's day morning,f there came a post 
to inform the Captain, that early the same morning, 
a canoe with several Indians in it, passed from Pru- 
dence islandf to Poppasquash§ neck. Captain 
.Church thought if he could possibly surprise them 

* The reason of this anachronism is explained in note 1 
on page 94. 

f August 20. 

t A long and crooked Island on the west side of Rhode* 
island, extending from near the centre of Rhodeisland ta 
Warwick neck, in length about 6 miles. 

§ (On the west side of Bristol.) 

And separated from it by Bristol bay. 



128 PHILIPS WAR. 

[that] he might probably gain some intelligence of 
more game ; therefore he made all possible speed 
after ihem. The ferry boat being out of the way 
he made use of canoes. But by that time they had 
made two freights, and had got over about fifteen or 
sixteen of his Indians, the wind sprung up with such 
violence that canoes could no more pass.* The 
Captain seeing it was impossible for any more of his 
soldiers to come to him, he told his Indians, [that] 
if they were willing to go with him, he would go to 
Poppasquash, and see if they could catch some of 
the enemy Indians. They were willing to go, but 
were sorry [that] they had no English soldiers. f 
So they marched through the thickets that they 
might not be discovered, until they came unto the 
salt meadow, to the northward of Bristol town, that 
now is, [when] 1 they heard a gun ; the Captain 
looked about, not knowing but it might be some of 
his own company in the rear. So halting till they all 
came up, he found [that] it was none of his own 
company that fired. 

Now, though he had but a few men, [he] was 
minded to send some of them out on a scout. He 
moved it to Captain Lightfoot to go with three 
[others] 2 on a scout ; he said [that] he was willing, 
provided the Captain's man, Nathaniel (which was 
an Indian they had lately taken) might be one of 
them, because he was well acquainted with the 
1 [then] 2 [more] 

* This event was but a few days more than one hundred 
years before the celebrated passage of Washington over the 
Delaware to attack the Hessians at Trenton, which has been 
so beautifully described by Barlow. See his Columbiad, B. 
vi. line 91 to 214. Perhaps this expedition of the heroick 
Church, in the small days of Newengland was of as much 
consequence as greater ones were a century after. It is not 
impossible, but that another Barlow may arise and sing over 
the events of these days of yore A vast theme for a poet ! 

t They had one or more Englishmen in the company as 
will appear presently. 



J 



PHILIP'S WAR. 129 

neck, and coming lately from among them, knew 
how to call them. 

The Captain bid him choose his three companions, 
and go ; and if they came across any of the enemy, 
not to kill them if they could possibly take them 
alive, that they might gain intelligence concerning 
Annawon. The Captain with the rest of his com- 
pany moved but a little way further toward Poppa- 
squash, before they heard another gun, which seem- 
ed to be the same way with the other, but further off; 
but they made no halt until they came unto the nar- 
row of Poppasquash neck; where Captain Church 
left three men more to watch, [and see] if any should 
come out of the neck, and to inform the scout, when 
they returned, which way he was gone. 

He parted the remainder of his company, half on 
one side of the neck, and the other with himself went 
on the other side, [ — ] 1 Until they met ; and meeting 
neither with Indians nor canoes, returned big with ex- 
pectations of tidings by their scout. But when they 
came back to the three men at the narrow of the 
nock, they told their Captain [that] the scout, [had] a 
not returned, [and] had heard nor seen any thing of 
them. This filled them with thoughts of what should 
become of them. By that time they had sat and 
waited an hour longer, it was very dark, and they 
despaired of their returning to them. 

Some of the Indians told their Captain, [that] 
they feared his new man, Nathaniel, had met with his 
old Mounthope friends, and [ — ] 3 turned rogue. 
They concluded to make no fires that night, (and 
indeed they had no great need of any) for they had 
no victuals to cook, [ — ] 4 not so much as a morsel 
of bread with them. 

They took up their lodgings scattering, that if pos- 
sibly their scout should come in the night, and whis- 
tle, (which was their sign) some or other of them 
mignt hear them. They had a very solitary, hun- 
i [of the neck] 2 [ was ] 3 [ was ] 4 [had] 
p 9 



130 PHILIP'S WAR. 

gry night; and as soon as the day broke,* they drew 
off through the brush to a hill without the neck. 
And looking about them they espied one Indian man 
come running somewhat towards them. The Cap- 
tain ordered one man to step out and show himself. 
Upon this the Indian ran right to him, and who 
, should it be but Captain Lightfoot, to their great 
joy. Captain Church asked him what news °l He 
answered, "Good news;" [that] they were ali 
well, and had catched ten Indians; and that they 
guarded them all night in one of the flankers of the 
old English garrison ;f that their prisoners were 
part of Annawon's company, and that they had left 
their families in a swamp above Mattapoiset neck.f 
And as they were marching towards the old garrison, 
Lightfoot gave Captain Church a particular account 
of their exploit, viz. ; that presently aftef they left 
him, they heard another gun, which seemed toward 
the Indian burying place ; and moving that way, 
they discovered two of the enemy flaying of a horse. 
The scout clapping into the brush, Nathaniel bid 
them sit down, and he would presently call all the 
Indians thereabout unto him. They hid, and he 
went a little distance back from them, and set up his 
note and howled like a wolf. One of the two im- 
mediately left his horse, and came running to see 
who was there ; but Nathaniel howling lower and 
lower, drew him in between those that lay in wait 
for him, who seized him. Nathaniel continuing the 
same note, the other left the horse also, following his 
mate, and met with the same. When they caught 
these two, they examined them apart and found them 

* Monday August 28. 

f This was the fort that was built in June, 1675, which 
Church so much disapproved of. See page 35. It was pro-* 
bably of more service now than it had ever been before, if 
we judge from any account since given. 

| (In Swanzey. There is another Mattapoiset in Roch- 
ester.) 






PHILIP'S WAR. 131 

to agree in their story ; that there were eight more 
of them [who came] 1 down into the neck to get 
provisions, and had agreed to meet at the burying 
place that evening. These two being some of Na- 
thaniel's old acquaintance, he had great influence 
upon them, and with his enticing story, (telling what 
a brave captain he had, how bravely he lived since 
he had been with him, and how much they might 
better their condition by turning to him, &,c.,) per 
suaded and engaged them to be on his side, which, 
indeed, now began to be the better side of the hedge. 
They waited but a little while before they espied the 
rest of theirs coming up to the burying place, and 
Nathaniel soon howled them in, as he had done their 
mates before. 

When Captain Church came to the garrison, he 
met hiJ|Lieutenant,* and the rest of his company. 
And then making up good fires they fell to roasting 
their horse beef, enough to last them a whole day, 
but had not a morsel of bread, though salt they had, 
(which they always carried in their pockets, [and] 
which at this time was very acceptable to them.) 

Their next motion was towards the place where 
the prisoners told them [that] they had left their 
women and children, and surprised them all ; and 
some others that [had] 2 newly come to them. And 
upon examination they held to one story, that it was 
hard to tell where to find Annawon, for he never 
roosted twice in a place. 

Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church 
had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he 
might nave liberty to go and fetch in his father, who, 
he said, was about four miles from that place, in a 
swamp, with no other than a young squaw. Captain 
Church inclined to go with him, thinking [that] it 
migiit be in his way to gein some intelligence of 
Annawon ; and so taking one Englishman and a few 
i [come] 2 [were] 




132 PHILIP'S WAR. 

Indians with him, leaving the rest there, he went 
with his new soldier to look [after] his father. 

When he came to the swamp, he bid the Indian 
go [and] 1 see if he could find his father. He was 
no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a 
track coming down out of the woods ; upon which 
he and his little company lay close, some on one 
side of the track, and some on the other. They 
heard the Indian soldier making a howling for his 
father, and at length somebody answered him ; but 
while they were listening, they thought [that] they 
heard somebody coming towards them ; presently 
[they] saw an old man coming up with a gun on his 
shoulder, and a young woman following in the track 
which they lay by. They let them come up between 
them, and then started up and laid hoW^of them 
both. Captain Church immediately examined them 
apart, telling them what they must trust to, if they 
told false stories. He asked the young woman, what 
company they came from last'? She said, " From 
Captain Annawon's." Pie asked her how many were 
in company with him when she left him % She said, 
" Fifty or sixty." He asked her how many miles it 
was to the place where she left him % She said, [that] 
she did not understand miles, but he was up in 
Squannaconk swamp.* 

The old man, who had been one of Philip's coun- 
cil, upon examination, gave exactly the same ac- 
count. Captain Church asked him if they could get 
there that night % He said, [that] if they went pre- 
sently, and travelled stoutly, they might get there 
by sunset. He asked whither he was going °l He 
answered, that Annawon had sent him down to look 
Tor] some Indians, that were gone down into Mount- 
iope neck to kill provisions. Captain Church let 
lim know that those Indians were all his prisoners, 
i [to] 2 [bu*] 

• (Southeasterly part of Rehoboth) 



PHILIP'S WAR. 133 

By this time came the Indian soldier and brought 
his father and one Indian more. The Captain was 
now in a great strait of mind what to do next; he 
had a mind to give Annawon a visit, now he knew 
where to find him. But his company was very small, 
[only] 1 half a dozen men beside himself, and was 
under a necessity to send some body back to acquaint 
his Lieutenant and company with his proceedings. 
However, he asked his small company that were with 
him, whether they would willingly go with him and 
give Annawon a visit *? They told him, [that] they 
were always ready to obey his commands, &c. ; but 
withal told him, that they knew this Captain Anna- 
won was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant 
Captain under Asuhmequin,* Philip's father ; and 
1 [bat] 

* Moran, 122, calls him Woosamequen. This was the 
last name by which the " good old Massassoit" was known, 
This name he took about the time of the Pequot war as was 
mentioned in note 1, on page 17. Allen in his Biographical 
Dictionary, has given a short sketch of him, which is very 
deficient. Not even informing us that he was ever known 
by any other name than Massassoit. This celebrated chief en- 
tered into a league of friendship with the Plymouth Pilgrims, 
the next spring after their arrival, which was kept until his 
death. Some of the other tribes insultingly told him, that 
through his cowardice he had treated with the English. 
However this might be, he is said always to have advised his 
sons against engaging in a war with them, for he believed 
that in time the Indians would be annihilated. He was re- 
markable for his aversion to the English religion. Hutchin- 
son, I, 252, says that " when he was treating for the sale of 
some of his lands at Swanzey, insisted upon it as a condition, 
hat the English should never attempt to draw off any of his 
people from their religion to Christianity, and would not re- 
cede until he found the treaty would break off if he urged 
it any further." He was personally several times at Ply- 
mouth. On his first arrival there, in Msjrch, 1620-21, he 
made his appearance on the hill, the south side of Town brook, 
with several of his principal men with him. Here he made a 
stop and Mr. Edward Winslow was sent to him with a pre- 
sent, and the Governour's (Carver) compliments that he de- 
sired to see him, and treat with him. He left Mr. Winslow 



s 
134 PHILIP'S WAR. 

that he had been Philip's chieftain all this war. A \ jry 
subtle man, of great resolution, and had often said, 
that he would never be taken alive by the English. 

as a hostage with his men, and with about twenty of his sol- 
diers went down to the brook, where Captain Standish met 
him with a file of six men, and conducted him to a new 
house. A green rug was spread over the floor, and three or 
four cushions laid upon it. The Governour then came, pre- 
ceded by a drum and trumpet, at the sound of which they 
appeared much delighted. After some introductions the 
above mentioned league or treaty was entered upon and con- 
cluded as follows: 

Article I. That neither he, nor any of his, should injure 
or do hurt to any of their people. Jlrt. II. That if any of his 
did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the offender 
that they might punish him. Art. III. That if any thing 
were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be 
restored ; and they should do the like to his. Art. IV. That 
if any did unjustly war against him, they would^rid him; 
and if any did war against them, he should aid thermtArt. V. 
That he should send to his neighbour confederates, to inform 
them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be 
likewise comprised in these conditions of peace. Art. VI. 
That when his men came to them upon any occasion, they 
should leave their arms (which were then bows and arrows) 
behind them. Art. VII. Lastly, that so doing, their sove- 
reign Lord, King James would esteem him as his friend and 
ally. 

Two years after (in 1623) Massassoit fell sick, and Mr. 
Winslow went to visit him. He found the house crowded 
with men who were using their rude exertions to restore him 
to health. Being informed that his friends were come to see 
him, he desired to speak with them. (He was very sick and 
his sight had left him.) When Mr. Winslow went to him 
he took him by the band and faintly said, " Keen Wins- 
now?" That is, " Art thou Winslow?" Being informed that 
he was, he then said, " Matta neen wonckunet namen Wins- 
now!" That is, "O Winslow I shall never see thee again !" He 
had not taken any thing for two days, but Mr. Winslow gave 
him something that he had prepared which he was able to 
swallow, and he immediately grew better, and soon entirely 
recovered. In 1639, this Indian King was at Plymouth with 
Mooanam or Wamsutta, his son, then or afterwards named 
Alexander, and renewed the former league. The precise 
time of his death is unknown. But from Hubbard, 59, it ap- 
pears that it was about 1656. Morton, 26, and 122. Hutch- 
inson, I 252, 253. Belknap, Amer. Biog. I, 212, 294. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 135 

And moreover they knew tha the men that were 
with him were resolute^ fellows, some of Philip's 
chief soldiers ; and therefore, feared whether it was 
practicable to make an attempt upon him with so 
small a handful of assailants as were now with him. 
Told him further, that it would be a pity, [ — J 1 after 
all the great things he had done, [that] he should 
throw away his life at last. Upon which he replied, 
that he doubted not Annawon was a subtle and val- 
iant man ; that he had a long time, but in vain, sought 
for him, and never till now could find his quarters 
and he was very loath to miss of the opportunity ; 
and doubted not, [ — ] 2 that if they would cheerfully 
go with him, the same Almighty Providence that had 
hitherto protected and befriended them, would do so 
still, &c. 

Upo^this with one consent they said, [that] they 
would go. Captain Church then turned to one Cook 
of Plymouth, (the only Englishman then with him) 
and asked him, what he thought of it 1 ? [He] 3 repli- 
ed, " Sir, I am never afraid of going any where when 
you are with me." Then Captain Church asked the 
old Indian, if he could carry his horse with him 9 
(For he conveyed a horse thus far with him.) He 
replied that it was impossible for a horse to pass the 
swamps. Therefore, he sent away his new Indian 
soldier with his father, and the Captain's horse, to 
his Lieutenant, and orders for him to move to Taun- 
ton with the prisoners, to secure them there, and to 
come out in the morning in the Rehoboth road, in 
which he might expect to meet him, if he were alive 
and had success. 

The Captain then asked the old fellow if he would 
pilot him [to] 4 Annawon !■ He answered, that he hav- 
l [that] 2 [but] 3 [ w ho] * [unto] 

Holmes, I, 203. Prince, 185, &c. Whether he had more 
than two sons is uncertain ; but it seems by a letter to Lon- 
don, written during this war, that there was another. See 
Hutchinson, I, 265 



136 PHILIP'S WAR. 

ing given him his life, he was obliged to serve him. 
He bid him move on then, and they followed. The 
old man would out travel them so far sometimes, 
that they were almost out of sight ; [and] looking 
over his shoulder, and seeing them behind, he would 
halt. 

Just as the sun was setting, the old man made a 
full stop and sat down ; the company coming up, also 
sat down, being all weary. Captain Church asked, 
" What news V He answered, that about that time 
in the evening, Captain Annawon sent out his scouts 
to see if the coast were clear, and as soon as it be- 
gan to grow dark, the scouts returned ; and then 
(said he) "we may move again securely." When it 
began to grow dark, the old man stood up again, 
[and] Captain Church asked him if he would take a 
gun and fight for him *? He bowed very low, and 
prayed him not to impose such a thing upon him, as 
to fight against Captain Annawon his old friend. 
But says he, " I will go along with you, and be help- 
ful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall 
offer to hurt you." 

It being now pretty dark, they moved close to- 
gether; — anon they heard a noise. The Captain 
stayed the old man with his hand, and asked his own 
men what noise they thought it might be ? They 
concluded it to be the pounding of a mortar. The 
old man had given Captain Church a description of 
the place* where Annawon now lay, and of the diffi- 

* This solitary retreat is in the southeasterly part of the 
town of Rehoboth, but being near Taunton line, some, in re- 
lating the story, report it to be in this town. It is about 8 
miles from Taunton green, and nearly in a direct line to 
Providence. The northwest corner of Dighton runs up be- 
tween Taunton and Rehoboth, through which we pass in 
going from Taunton to Annawon's rock. (By this name it 
is known throughout that part of the country.) It is in a 
great swamp, called Squannaconk, containing nearly 8000 
acres, as 1 was informed by Mr. A. Bliss, the nearest inhabi- 
vant to it. The road passes round the northwesterly part of 



ff* 1 



PHILIP'S WaR. 137 

culty of getting at him. Being sensible that they 
were pretty near them, with two of his Indians he 
creeps to the edge of the rocks, from whence he 
could see their camps. He saw three companies of 
Indians at a little distance from each other ; being 
easy to be discovered by the light of their fires. He 
saw also the great ANNA WON and his company, 
who had formed his camp or kenneling place by 
falling a tree under the side of the great cliffs of 
rocks, and setting a row of birch bushes up against 
it ; where he himself, his son, and some of his chiefs 
had taken up their lodgings, and made great fires 
without them, and had their pots and kettles boiling, 
and spits roasting. Their arms also he discovered, 
all set together, in a place fitted for the purpose, 
standing up an end against a stick lodged in two 
crotches, and a mat placed over them, to keep them 
from the wet or dew. The old Annawon's feet and 
his son's head were so near the arms, as almost to 
touch them. [ — ] x 

The rocks were so steep that it was impossible to 
get down, [only] 2 as they lowered themselves by the 
i [but] 2 [but] 

the swamp, and within 6 or 8 rods of the rock. This im- 
mense rock extends northeast and southwest 70 or 80 feet, 
and to this day the camp of Annawon is approached with 
difficulty. A part of its southeast side hangs over a little, 
and the other, on the northeast part, seems in no very dis- 
tant period, to have tumbled down in large clefts. Its height 
may be SO feet. It is composed of sand and pebbles. A few 
scattering maple, beech, birch, &c, grow about it ; as also 
briars and water bushes, so thick as almost to forbid ap- 
proach. Formerly, it was, no doubt, entirely surrounded by 
water, as it is to this time in wet seasons. The northwest 
side of the rock is easily ascended, as it gradually slopes away 
fiom its summit to its base, and at an angle, perhaps, not ex- 
ceeding 35°. Small bushes grow from the seams in its steep 
side, as in the days of Church. Near the southwest extremi- 
ty is an opening of an angular form, in which, it is said, 
Annawon and the other chiefs were encamped. This open- 
ing now contains the stump of a large tree, which must have 
grown since those days, as it nearly fills it up. 



?=dJ 



138 PHILIP'S WAR. 

boughs, and the bushes that grew in the cracks of th« 
rocks. Captain Church creeping back again to the 
old man, asked him, if there were no possibility of 
getting at them some other way °l He answered, 
" No." That he and all that belonged to Annawon, 
were ordered to come that way, and none could come 
any other way without difficulty, or danger of being 
shot. 

Captain Church then ordered the old man and his 
daughter to go down foremost with their baskets at 
their backs, that when Annawon saw them with their 
baskets he should not mistrust the intrigue. Captain 
Church and his handful of soldiers crept down also, 
under the shadow of those two and their baskets. 
The Captain himself crept close behind the old man, 
with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over the 
young man's head to the arms. The young Anna- 
won discovering of him, whipped his blanket over 
his head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old Cap- 
tain Annawon started up on his breech, and cried 
out "Howoh."* And despairing of escape, threw 
himself back again, and lay silent until Captain 
Church had secured all the arms, &c. And having 
secured that company, he sent his Indian soldiers to 
the other fires and companies, giving them instruc- 
tions, what to do and say. Accordingly they went 
into the midst of them. When they [had] discover- 

* This word according to the tradition of aged people, sig- 
nified, "I am taken." Dr. Morse has thought fit to alter the 
spelling of this word to Howah. It is very evident that the 
writer of this history, intended in the termination of this word 
to convey the sound of oh, and not ah. Were this not the case, 
it is certainly better to give it to posterity as we find it. Such 
alterations, however small and unimportant they may seem to 
some readers, have a very bad tendency ; they tend to cause us 
to doubt of the authenticity of any accounts that are handed 
down to us. It may be said that an alteration of this kind 
is of no consequence*, because it does not alter the sense. But 
it should be recollected, that the authority is as good for any 
other alteration ; for to alter letters is to alter words; to alter 
words is to change the sense. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 139 

ed themselves [to the enemy, they] 1 \Ud them that, 
tkeir Captain Annawon was taken, and [that] it 
would be best for them, quietly and peaceably to 
surrender themselves, which would procure good 
quarter for them ; otherwise, if they should pretend 
to resist or make their escape, it would be in vain, 
and they could expect no other but that Captain 
Church, with his great army, who had now entrap- 
ped them, would cut them to pieces. Told them 
also, [that] if they would submit themselves, and de- 
liver up all their arms unto them, and keep every 
man in his place until it was day, they would assure 
them that their Captain Church, who had been so 
kind to themselves when they surrendered to him, 
should be as kind to them. Now they being old ac- 
quaintance, and many of them relations, did much 
the readier give heed to what they said; [so] compli- 
ed, and surrendered up their arms unto them, both 
their guns and hatchets, &c, and were forthwith 
carried to Captain Church.* 

Things being so far settled, Captain Church asked 
Annawon, " what he had for supper?" " for (said he) 
I am come to sup with you." " Taubut" (said An- 
nawon) with a big voice, and looking about upon 
his women, bid them hasten and get Captain Church 
and his company some supper. [He] then turned 
to Captain Church and asked him whether he would 
eat cow beef or horse beef? The Captain told him 
cow beef would be most acceptable. It was soon 
got ready, and pulling his little bag of salt out of 
his pocket, which was all the provision he brought 
with him. This seasoned his cow beef. So that 
with it and the dried green corn, which th^, old squaw 
was pounding in the mortar, while they were sliding 
l [who they were] 

* Mr. Hubbard differs considerably in his relation of the 
taking of Annawon, from our author, and is much shorter. 
Nothing very important seems to be omitted in this account, 
excepting the date, and that Mr. Hubbard omits also. 



140 PHILIP'S WAR. 

down the rocks, he made a very hean v supper. And 
this pounding in the mortar, proved lucky for Cap- 
tain Church's getting down the rocks ; for when the 
old squaw pounded, the s y moved, and when she ceas- 
ed, to turn the corn, they ceased creeping. The 
noise of the mortar prevented the enemy's hearing 
their creeping, and the corn being now dressed, sup- 
plied the want of bread, and gave a fine relish with 
the cow beef. 

Supper being over, Captain Church sent two of 
his men to inform the other companies, that he had 
killed Philip, and taken their friends in Mounthope 
neck, but had spared their lives, and that he had sub- 
dued now all the enemy, (he supposed) except this 
company of Annawon ; and now if they would be 
orderly and keep their places until morning, they 
should have good quarter, and that he would carry 
them to Taunton, where they might see their friends 
again &c. 

The messengers returned, [and informed] that the 
Indians yielded to his proposals. 

Captain Church thought it was now time for him 
to take a nap, having had no sleep in two days and 
one night before. [So he] told his men, that if they 
would let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all 
the rest of the night. He laid himself down and en- 
deavoured to sleep, but all disposition to sleep de- 
parted from him. 

After he had lain a little while, he looked up to 
see how his watch managed, but found them all fast 
asleep. Now Captain Church had told Captain An- 
nawon's company, as he had ordered his Indians to 
tell the others ; [namely] that their lives should all 
be spared, excepting Captain Annawon's, and it was 
not in his power to promise him his life, but he must 
carry him to his masters at Plymouth and he would 
entreat them for his liie. 

Now when Captain Church found not only his own 
men, but all the Indians fast asleep, Annawon only 
excepted, who, he perceived was as broad awake as 



PHILIPS WAR. 141 

himself; and so they lay looking one upon the other, 
perhaps an hour. Captain Church said nothing to 
him, for he could not speak Indian, and thought An- 
nawon could not speak English. 

At length Annawon raised himself up, cast off his 
blanket, and with no more clothes than his small 
breeches, walked a little way back from the company. 
Captain Church thought no other but that he had 
walked a little distance for some necessary 
errand, and would very soon return. But by and 
by he was gone out of sight and hearing, and then 
Captain Church began to suspect some ill design in 
him ; and got all the guns close to him, and crowd- 
ed himself close under young Annawon; that if he 
should anywhere get a gun, he should not make a 
shot at him, without endangering his son. Lying 
very still awhile, waiting for the event, at length, 
he heard somebody coming the same way that An- 
nawon went. The moon now shining bright, he 
saw him at a distance coming with something in his 
hands, and coming up to Captain Church, he fell 
upon his knees before him, and offered him what he 
Lad brought, and speaking in plain English, said, 
" Great Captain, you have killed Philip, and con- 
quered his country ; for I believe that I and my com- 
pany are the last that war against the English, so 
suppose the war is ended by your means ; and there- 
fore these things belong unto you." Then opening 
his pack, he pulled out Philip's belt,* curiously 
wrought with wompom,f being nine inches broad, 

* This belt and some other of Philip's ornaments are now 
owned in a family at Swanzey, as I was informed by an in- 
habitant of the place. 

t Wampum, or wampom, called also wampampeag ; a kind 
of money in use among the Indians. It was a kind of bead 
made of shells of the great conch, muscles, &c, and curiously 
wrought and polished, with a hole through them. They 
were of different colours, as black, blue, red, white and pur- 
ple ; the last of which were wrought by the Fivenations. 
Six of the white, and three of the black, or blue passed for a 
penny. Trumbull, Hist. U S. I, 23. In 1667 wampom 



142 PHILIP'S WAR. 

wrought with black and white wompom, in various 
figures, and flowers and pictures of many birds and 
beasts. This, when hanged upon Captain Church's 
shoulders, reached his ancles ; and another belt of 
wompom he presented him with, wrought after the 
former manner, which Philip was wont to put upon 
his head. It had two flags on the back part, 
which hung down on his back, and another small 
belt with a star upon the end of it, which he used 
to hang on his breast, and they were all edged with 
red hair, which Annawon said they got in the Mo- 
hog's* country. Then he pulled out two horns of 
glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. He told 
Captain Church [that] these were Philip's royalties, 
which he was wont to adorn himself with, when he 
sat in state ; that he thought himself happy that he 
had an opportunity to present them to Captain 
Church, who had won them, &c. [They] spent the 
remainder of the night in discourse. And [Captain 
Annawon] gave an account of what mighty success 
he had [had] formerly in wars against many nations 
of Indians,f when he served Asuhmequin, Philip's 
father, &c.J 

was made a tender by law for the payment of debts " not ex- 
ceeding 40 shillings, at 8 white or 4 black a penny ; this was 
repealed in 1671." Douglass, I, 437. 

* Mohawk's. This word is spelt Moohag on page 68. See 
note 2, of page 68. 

f How much it is to be lamented that Mr. Church did not 
preserve the conversation of Annawon at this time. Nothing 
could have added more value to his history. 

\ Thus ended Monday night 28 August. It is unaccounta- 
ble that Mr. Hubbard fixes no date to this transaction, and 
the more so, as he wrote so near the time that it took place. 
It is not without some hesitation that the above is admitted, 
on account of Ihe disagreements in the narratives. Hub- 
bard, 230, says that Tispaquin came in, in September, and 
places it before the taking of Annawon, which if our author 
be correct is a gross mistake. Now it is evident that it was 
on Monday night from the text, and that there was a moon 
not long after dark, perhaps an hour or two. This ex« 



PHILIP'S WAR. 143 

In the morning, as soon as it was light, the Cap- 
tain marched with his prisoners out of that swampy 
country towards Taunton. [He] met his Lieutenant 
and company about four miles out of town, who ex- 
pressed a great deal of joy to see him again, and 
said, [that] it was more than ever they expected. 
They went into Taunton, were civilly and kindly 
treated by the inhabitants. [Here they] refreshed 
and rested themselves that night. 

Early next morning, the Captain took old Anna- 
won, and half a dozen of his Indian soldiers, and his 
own man, and went to Rhodeisland ; sending the 
rest of his company, and his prisoners by his Lieu- 
tenant* to Plymouth. Tarrying two or three days 
upon the island, he then went to Plymouth, and car- 
ried his wife and his two children with him. 

Captain Church had been but a little while at 
Plymouth, when he was informed of a parcel of In- 
dians who had haunted the woods between Plymouth 
and Sippican ; that did great damage to the Eng 
lish, in killing their cattle, horses, and swine. The 
Captain was soon in pursuit of them. [He] went 
out from Plymouth the next Monday in the after- 
noon, [and] next morning early they discovered a 
track. The Captain sent two Indians on the track 
to see what they could discover, whilst he and his 
company followed gently after. But the two In- 
dians soon returned with tidings, that they discover- 
ed the enemy sitting round their fires, in a thick 
place of brush. When they came pretty near the 
. place, the Captain ordered every man to creep as 
he did, and surround them by creeping as near as 
they could, till they should be discovered, and then 

actly corresponds with the date given above, because the 
moon was at the full on the 26 August, and this being two 
nights after, they would of course have the moon a short time 
after dark. 
* Mr. Jabez Howland. 



144 PHILIP'S WAR. 

to run [ — ~\ l upon them, and take them alive if pos- 
sible, (for their prisoners were their pay.) They did 
so, [taking] 2 every one* that were at the fires, not one 
escaping. 

Upon examination they agreed in their stories, that 
they belonged to Tispaquin, who was gone with John 
Bump,f and one more, to AgawamJ and Sippican§ 
to kill horses, and were not expected back in two or 
three days.|| 

This same Tispaquin had been a great Captain, 
and the Indians reported, that he was such a great 
Pauwau,% that no bullet could enter him, &c. Cap- 
tain Church said, [that] he would not have him kill- 
ed, for there was a war ## broke out in the eastern 
part of the country, and he would have him saved to 
go with him to fight the eastern Indians. Agreeably 
he left two old squaws, of the prisoners, and bid them 
tarry there until their Captain, Tispaquin, returned, 
and to tell him that Church had been there, and had 
taken his wife and children, and company, and car- 
ried them down to Plymouth, and would spare all 
their lives, and his too, if he would come down to 
them, and bring the other two that were with him, 
and they should be his soldiers, &c. 

Captain Church then returned to Plymouth, leav- 
ing the old squaws well provided for, and biscuit for 
Tispaquin when he returned ; telling his soldiers, 
that he doubted not, but he had laid a trap that 
'[on] 3 [took] 

* About 50, according to Hubbard, 231. " The place was near 1 
Lakenham upon Pocasset neck, so full of bushes that a man 
could not see a rod before him." Ibid. 

f Nothing more is said of this Indian as I can find. There are 
respectable white people in Middleborough by this name, from 
the ancestors of whom he might have derived his name. 

| (Wareham.) § (Rochester.) 

|| This was in September. 

IT Wizard or conjurer. English writers denominate their 
priests by this name. 

** An account of this war will be given in the Appendix. See 
No.V. 



PHILIP'S WAR. 145 

would take him. Captain Church two oays after 
went to Boston, (the commissioners* then sitting) 
and waited upon the honourable Governour Leve- 
rett,f who then lay sick. [He] 1 requested Captain 
Church to give him some account of the war, who 
readily obliged his honour therein, to his great satis- 
faction, as he was pleased to express himself; tak- 
ing him by the hand, and telling him, [that] if it 
pleased God [that] he lived, he would make it a brace 
of a hundred pounds advantage to him out of the 
Massachusetts colony, and would endeavour that the 
rest of the colonies should do proportionably. But he 
died within a fortnight after, and so nothing was done 
of that nature. 

'[who] 

* I find no mention of any other court in Massachusetts at this 
time, than that called together the 9 August, occasioned by a 
letter from the King, summoning the colony to appoint commis- 
sioners to answer to the complaints of Gorges and Mason, con- 
cerning boundaries, &c. See Hist. Mass, I, 280, 281. This and 
other business, it is probable, kept them together until the time 
alluded to in our text. 

f Governour John Leverett came to America with his father 
in 1633, from Boston in Lincolnshire, England. He was made 
deputy Governour in 1671, and in 1673, Governour. He con- 
tinued in the office until his death, which, according to our 
author, was in 1676. Dr. Douglass also, in his Summary, I, 429, 
says that it was " in the autumn of 1676." It is remarkable, that 
most, if not all, later historians place his death in 1678, on the 
authority of Mather, I conclude. In my first edition of this 
work I followed the Biographical Dictionaries without scruple, 
but soon discovered the errour. Eliot and Allen, perhaps, fol- 
lowed Mather without hesitation, because Hutchinson did not 
differ from him. 

The former part of this note was written previous to the 
appearance of Mr. Savage's edition of Winthrop's History of 
Newengland. It there appears, II, 245, note 2, that a letter 
was received 1677, from the court of England, creating him 
Knight. This title was never used, which Mr. Savage con- 
jectures various reasons for. But if he were dead before his 
appointment arrived, that is a sufficient reason. In Snow's Hist. 
Boston, some account of his funeral is given, but under the same 
date. 



146 PHILIP'S WAR. 

The same day* Tispaquin came in, and those that 
were with him. But when Captain Church returned 
from Boston, he found, to his grief, the heads of Anna- 
won, Tispaquin, &c.,f cut off which were the last of 
Philip's friends. J 



* The same day that the trap was set. 

f The full import of this &c. is not known. We can only 
observe, that a great many others at different times were execu- 
ted, much to the dishonour of those concerned. Of the numbers 
of those poor natives that were thus murdered, we must remain 
ignorant. 

J Melancholy indeed is the reflection, a nation is no more! 
Thus we behold the instability of all things, acted upon by the 
exterminating hand of time. The rude government of the 
natives could not protect them against treachery in an uncom- 
mon degree. Their means of support being often scant, and 
many times nearly cut off, was a great inducement to desertion 
to the English, where they always fared much better. Hence 
their first great disaster, at the swamp fight in Narraganset, was 
owing to a fugitive's leading the English to the only assailable 
part of the fort; Philip fell by the same foul treachery; and, 
lastly, Annawon, who, had he been a Roman, would have been 
called the great. The following lines admirably portray the 
frailty of man. 

" Like leaves on trees the race of man is found ; 

Now green in youth, now with'ring on the ground ; 

Another race the following spring supplies ; 

They fall successive, and successive rise: 

So generations, in then - course, decay ; 

So flourish these, when those are past away." Pope's Homer. 

The conduct of the government in putting to death " Anna- 
won, Tispaquin, &c," has ever been viewed as barbarous; no 
circumstance now made it necessary. The Indians were sub- 
dued, therefore no example was wanting to deter others. It is 
true, some were mentioned by the government as unmeriting 
mercy; but humanity forbade the execution of laws formed 
only for the emergencies of the moment. Governour Hutch- 
inson observes, " Every person, almost, in the two colonies, 
[Massachusetts and Plymouth] had lost a relation or near friend, 
and the people in general were exasperated : but all does not 
sufficiently excuse this great severity." Hist. Mass. I, 277. 

Mr. Hubbard, who wrote at the time does not fail to justi- 
fy all the measures of government. He says that Church 
promised Tispaquin an office under him, if what he had made 



PHILIP'S WAR. ■ 147 

The general court of Plymouth then sitting, sent 
for Captain Church, who waited upon them accord- 
ingly, and received their thanks for his good ser- 
vice, which they unanimously voted, [and] which 
was all that Captain Church had for his aforesaid 
service. 

Afterwards, in the year 1676,* in the month of 
January, Captain Church received a commission from 
Governour Winslow,f to scour the woods of some of 
the lurking enemy, which they were well informed 
were there. 

[Here followed the commission which is omitted as it is very 
similar to that at page 93. It bears date 15 Jan. 1676, but 
should be taken 1676-7.] 

his followers believe were true, that a bullet could not kill him. 
When he delivered himself up, the government thought proper to 
see if it were the case ; so shot at him, and he fell dead the first 
fire ! Annawon was accused of torturing and murdering many 
English prisoners, " which he could not deny," therefore he was 
put to death in the same manner. Mr. Hubbard, though 
an eminent historian, was not free from the prejudices of the 
times. As for us, we can only lament the end of those 
heroes, and in no better language, than that of our eminent 
native poet. 

" Indulge, our native land, indulge the tear 
That steals impassioned o'er a nation's doom; 
To us each twig from Adam's stock is dear, 
And tears of sorrow deck an Indian's tomb." 

Dwight's Greenfield Hill. 

* This was according to the old method of dating, when the 
new year did not begin until the 25 March; therefore, this 
must be understood 1677. Under the old supputation, the 
year was often written with an additional figure, from 1 Jan. to 
25 March, to represent both the old and new method; thus, at 
that time the above date would have been properly written 
1676-7. By the inattention of authors, sometimes using the 
additional figure, and sometimes omitting it, many anachronisms 
have been committed. Another method, which signifies the 
same was often used; thus, 167f express the same as 1676-7. 
But writers frequently fell into mistakes by taking the wrong 
figure of the fraction. 

fThis Gentleman having managed the affairs of Plymouth 
colony during this troublesome war, it will be proper to give 
some account of him at its close. He was a son of the distin- 
guished Edward Winslow whose name is the third to that 



148 PHILIP'S WAR. 

Accordingly Captain Church accompanied with 
several gentlemen and others, went out and took 

celebrated "combination," or "first foundation of the govern- 
ment of New Plymouth." In 1656, Alexander was mistrusted 
of plotting against the English, as has been mentioned in note 
1, on page 17. Mr. Winslow with eight or ten. men surprised 
him at a hunting house where he had just arrived with about 
80 men. These having left their guns without their house, 
were seized by Winslow, who then' induced Alexander to go 
with him to Plymouth. A short time after this, Alexander was 
taken sick and died. 

When Philip's war commenced, Mr. Winslow wrote to the 
Governour of Massachusetts as follows : " July 4, 1 675. I do 
solemnly profess we know not any thing from us that might 
put Philip upon these motions, nor have heard that he pretends 
to have suffered any wrong from us, save only that we had & 
killed some Indians and intended to send for himself for the 
murder of John Sausaman [Sassamon.] The last that was 
executed this week confessed that he saw the other two do the 
murder. Neither had we any thoughts to command him in about 
it." See note 1, on page 26*. 

Again he writes, "I think I can clearly say, that before these 
present troubles broke out, the English did not possess one foot 
of land in this colony, but what was fairly obtained by honest 
purchase of the Indian proprietors : Nay, because some of our 
people are of a covetous disposition, and the Indians are in their 
straits easily prevailed with to part with their lands, we first 
made a law that none should purchase or receive by gift, any 
land of the Indians without the knowledge and allowance of our 
court," &c. Hubbard, 66. Thus justice appears to have been 
aimed at by the leaders in government, from its beginning, but 
does not appear to have effectually prevented the private abuses 
of individuals, which was, no doubt, impossible. The remark of 
Mr. Makin I will lay before the reader that he may judge how far 
it is correct, and whether the contrast be so great between the 
treatment of the Indians in Newengland and Pennsylvania, as to 
deserve what follows. (See Appendix, XIII.) 

" On just and equal terms the land was gain'd,* 
No force of arms has any right obtain'd ; 
'Tis here without the use of arms, alone, 
The bless'd inhabitant enjoys his own ; 
Here many, to their wish, in peace enjoy 
Then' happy lots, and nothing doth annoy. 
But sad New England's diff'rent conduct show'd 
What dire effects from injur'd Indians flow'd." 
• In Pennsylvania. Makin in Proud, II, 963; 



PHILIP'S WAR. * 140 

divers parties of Indians. In one of which there was 
a certain old man, whom Captain Church seemed to 
take particular notice of, and asking him where he 
belonged, he told him at Swanzey. The Captain 
asked his name, he replied, Conscience. Conscience, 
said the Captain, smiling, then the war is over ; for 
that was what they were searching for, it being much 
wanted, and returned the said Conscience to his post 
again at Swanzey, to a certain person [that] the said 
Indian desired to be sold to, and then returned 
home.* 

* Nothing very brilliant, to be sure, occurred in those expedi- 
tions, if the author has given us the chief exploit of them all, 
and we may be satisfied that we have no more of them. Mr. 
Hubbard takes no notice of any actions of Church after the tak- 
ing of Annawon, which had they been very important would not 
have escaped his attention. He closes the war in this quarter 
with a few interesting exploits, the chief of which it will be 
proper to notice. In October one Mr. Stanton with three Indians 
came from Seconet and on the way heared by a captive, that there 
were a number of the enemy not far off. The Indians leaving 
Mr. Stanton pursued and took them all. Among them was an 
old man not able to go their pace, and they spared his life by his 
promising to come after. It appears that those taken, were mostly 
women and children, whose men were out a hunting. They soon 
returned, and the old man informed them of what had befel their 
friends, and they set out in pursuit of them, overtook them, and 
retook the prisoners. One friendly Indian was killed in the skir- 
mish, and the other two hardly escaped. One of these was called 
Major Symon, part Pequot and part Narraganset. He was remark- 
able for his strength and courage, and at the first, offered to 
fight any five of the enemy hand to hand with their hatchets, but 
they declined ; upon which he discharged his gun among them, 
and then rushed upon them with great fury, broke through them 
and escaped with the other, without injury. Hubbard, 237, 238. 



THE 

FRENCH AND INDIAN 

WABS IN NE¥EMLAID, 

BETWEEN THE YEARS 1689, AND 1704 ; 

[being] a further account of the actions in the mors 

late wars against the common enemy and indian 

rebels, in the eastern parts, under the 

command of the aforesaid 

CAPTAIN BENJAMIN CHURCH. 



I 



n the time of Sir Edmund Andross'* government, 
began that bloody war in the eastern parts of New- 
england ; so that immediadely Sir Edmund sent an 

* Andross was sent over as Governour of the province of 
Newyork, in 1674, by the Duke of York. Was appointed 
Governour of Newengland, and arrived in Boston, 20 Decem- 
ber 1684. Smith, Hist. N. Y., 63, gives a very just idea of 
his character in a very few words. " He knew no law, but the 
will of his master, and Kirk and Jefferies were not fitter 
instruments than he to execute the despotick projects of James 
II." And that "the historians of Newengland justly transmit 
him to posterity, under the odious character of a sycophantick 
tool to the Duke, and an arbitrary tyrant over the people com- 
mitted to his care." He was checked in the midst of his 
oppressive measures by the abdication of King James. This 
had been expected by the colonies, and eagerly wished for. The 
people of Boston on a report of»the change in England, and 
without waiting for its confirmation, daringly began the revolu- 
tion in Newengland. Andross and about 50 other obnoxious 
persons were seized, and the old government reassumed. He 
was afterwards Governour of Virginia, and we hear but little 
more about him. He died in London, Feb. 24, 1713. Holmes, 
I, 475. His life is more particularly given by Eliot, but large, 
and better by Allen. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 151 

express for Captain Church, who then being at Little- 
compton, received it on a Lord's day, in the after- 
noon meeting. Going home after meeting, [he] took 
his horse and set out for Boston, as ordered ; and by 
sunrise next morning, got to Braintree, # where he 
met with Colonel Page on horseback going to Wey- 
mouth and Hingham to raise forces to go east. [He] 1 
said [that] he was glad to see him, and that his ex- 
cellency would be as glad to see him in Boston so 
early. So parting he soon got to Boston, and waited 
upon his excellency, who informed him of an unhap- 
py war, broken out in the eastern parts; and said, 
[that] he was going himself in person, and that he 
wanted his company with him. But Captain Church 
not finding himself in the same spirit he used to have, 
said, [that] he hoped his excellency would give him 
time to consider of it. He told him he might; and 
also said that he must come and dine with him. 
Captain Church having many acquaintance in Bos- 
ton, who made it their business, some to encourage, 
and others to discourage him from going with his 
excellency. So after dinner his excellency took him 
into his room, and discoursed freely ; saying, that he 
having knowledge of his former actions and successes, 
and that he must go with him, and be his second,' 
with other encouragements. But in short, the said 
Captain Church did not accept, so was dismissed and 
went home.f 

'[who] 

* Formerly mount Wollaston. Its Indian name was Wessa- 
gusset. It is about 10 miles from Boston, and is renowned as 
the birth place of John Adams, second President of the U. 
States, whose life and death add so much veneration to the 
auspicious Fourth of July. 

Though the residence of the President is nearly 4 miles 
from what was mount Wollaston, and in the present town of 
Quincy, yet it is believed, that it was anciently included in it. 

f Notwithstanding, Andross undertook an eastern expedi- 
tion at the head of 7 or 800 men, and the enemy fled before 



152 FRENCH AND INDIAN W/ RS. 

Soon after this, was the revolution,* and the othei 
government reassumed, and then Governour Brad- 
streetf sent for Captain Church to come to Boston, 
as soon as his business would permit; whereupon he 
went to Boston and waited upon his honour, who told 
him [that] he was requested by the council to send 
for him, to see if he could be prevailed with to raise 
volunteers, both English and Indians to go east ; for 

him. "But, by establishing garrisons, by detaching numerous 
parties, to attack their settlements, and destroy their scanty ^pro- 
visions, he reduced them to the greatest distress, and secured 
the country from their incursions." Holmes, I, 474. But he did 
as much mischief, or perhaps more than he did good. He plun- 
dered Castine's house, a Frenchman, who had great influence 
among the Indians, which caused him to stir them up anew. Bel- 
knap, I, 196. 

* The change of government at home being mentioned in a 
preceding note, it will be necessary here to take notice only 
of its origin. King James II, in his efforts to establish popery 
overthrew himself. He published certain declarations, with 
injunctions upon the clergy to read them to the people after 
service, which they refused. The Bishops in an address to 
the King, remonstrated that they could not read his declara- 
tions consistent with their consciencies ; and they were immedi- 
ately prosecuted for a seditious libel. The people took great 
interest in their trial, and when they were acquitted the rejoi- 
cing was almost universal. At this very juncture, while the 
people were enraged against the King, William, Prince of 
Orange, who had married Mary, eldest daughter of King James, 
landed in England with an immense army from Holland, and 
were proclaimed without opposition. The old King with much dif- 
ficulty effected his escape to France. Goldsmith's Hist. England. 

f Simon Bradstreet was born in Lincolnshire, England, in 
March, 1603, and lived to be the oldest man in Newengland. 
After marrying a daughter of Thomas Dudley, he was per- 
suaded to make a settlement in Massachusetts. In 1630 he 
was chosen assistant of the colony, and arrived at Salem the 
same year. He was in several important offices, and at length 
succeeded Governour Leverett in the chief magistracy of Mas- 
sachusetts, in which office he continued until the arrival of 
Andross, when he was superseded; but Andross, in 1689, 
being put down, Mr. Bradstreet again assumed the government, 
and continued in it until the arrival of Sir William Phips, in 1692. 
He died in Salem, March, 1697, aged 94 years, Allen, and Eliot. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, 153 

the eastward Indians had done great spc I upon the 
English in those parts ; giving him an account of the 
miseries and sufferings of the people there. Captain 
Church's spirits being affected, said, if he could do 
any service for his honour, the country, and their re- 
lief, he was ready and willing. He was asked how 
he would act ? He said [that] he would take with 
him as many of his old soldiers as he could get, both 
English and Indians, &c. The gentlemen of Boston 
requested him to go to Rhodeisland government to 
ask their assistance. So giving him their letter, and 
about forty shillings in money, he took leave and went 
home to Bristol* on a Saturday; and the next 
Monday morning he went over to Rhodeisland, and 
waited upon their Governour, f delivering the letter 
as ordered, [and] prayed his honour for a speedy an- 
swer, who said, they could not give an answer pre- 
sently ; so he waited on them till he had their answer. 
And when he had obtained it, he carried it to the 
Boston gentlemen, who desired him to raise what 
volunteers he could in Plymouth colony, and Rhode- 
island government, and what was wanting they would 
make up out of theirs that were already out in the 
eastern parts. 

The summer being far spent, Captain Church made 
what despatch he could, and raised about two hun- 
dred and fifty men, volunteers, and received his com- 
mission from Governour HinkleyJ which is as fol- 
loweth, viz: 

*He settled at Bristol soon after Philip's war. See his life 
page xv. 

f We may infer from Judge SewalPs diary, in Holmes, I, 
468, that one Ciark was the Governour of Rhodeisland in 
1686, on the arrival of Andross, who of course was displaced. 
But in May of this year, 1689, it was resumed, and all the gener- 
al officers replaced. Ibid. 476. I have not even learned his 
baptismal name. A good history of Rhodeisland is a very desira- 
ble work. 

\ Thomas Hinkley was born about the year 1632. I find no 
mention of him, until he assumed the government, or rather 
G 



154 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

" The council of War of their Majesties' colony oj 
New Plymouth in Newengland: To Major Benja* 
min Church, Commander in Chief 
Whereas the Kennebeck and eastern Indians with 
their confederates, have openly made war upon their 
Majesties' subjects of the province of Maine, New- 
hampshire, and of the Massachusetts colony, having 
committed many barbarous murders, spoils and ra- 
pines upon their persons and estates. And whereas 
there are some forces of soldiers, English and Indi- 
ans, now raised and detached out of the several 
regiments and places within this colony of New 
Plymouth, to go forth to the assistance of our neigh- 
bours and friends, of the aforesaid provinces and 
colony of the Massachusetts, subjects of one and the 
same crown ; and to join with their forces for the 
repelling and destruction of the common enemy. 
And whereas, you Benjamin Church, are appointed to 
be Major, and commander in chief of all the forces, 
English and Indians, detached within this colony 
for the service of their Majesties aforesaid. THESE 
are in their Majesties' name to authorize and require 
you to take into your care and conduct all the said 
forces, English and Indians, and diligently to attend 
that service, by leading and exercising of your inferi- 
our officers and soldiers, commanding them to obey 
you as their chief commander; and to pursue, fight, 
take, kill, or destroy the said enemies, their aiders 
and abettors, by all the ways and means you can, as 
you shall have opportunity. And you are to observe 
and obey all such orders and instructions as from 
time to time you shall receive from the commission- 
ers of the colonies, the council of war of this colony, 
or the Governour and council of the Massachusetts 

the presidency of Plymouth colony after the fall of Andross, 
the Caligula of Newengland, in 1689. "He continued in this 
office until 1692, when Sir William Phips arrived. He died at 
Barnstable, in 1706, aged about 74 years. Morton, 208. Hutch- 
inson, II 141. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 155 

colony. In testimony whereof the pubiick seal of the 
said colony of New Plymouth is hereunto affixed. 
Dated in Plymouth, the sixthftday of September, 
Anno Domini, 1689. Annoque Regni Regis at Regi- 
nce Willielmi et Marice Anglice, fyc, Primo.* 

THOMAS HINKLEY, President. 

And now marching them all down to Boston, then 
received his further orders and instructions, which are 
as followeth. 

"Boston, September 16th, 1689. 
To all Sheriff's, Marshals, Constables, and other 
officers, military and civil, in their Majesties' pro- 
vince of Maine. 

Whereas pursuant to an agreement of the commis- 
sioners of the United Colonies, Major Benjamin 
Church is commissionated commander in chief over 
that part of their Majesties 5 forces, (levied for the 
present expedition against the common enemy) whose 
head quarters are appointed to be at Falmouth, in 
Casco bay. In their Majesties' names, you, and 
every of you, are required to be aiding and assisting 
to the said Major Church in his pursuit of the enemy, 
as any emergency shall require ; and so impress 
boats or other vessels, carts, carriages, horses, oxen, 
provision and ammunition, and men for guides, &c, 
as you shall receive warrants from the said Com- 
mander in chief, or his Lieutenant so to do. You 
may not fail to do the same speedily and effectually, 
as you will answer your neglect and contempt of 
their Majesties' authority and service at your utter- 
most peril. Given under my hand and seal the day 

f That is. And of the reign of the King and Queen, William 
and Mary of England, rfc, the first. 



156 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

and year above written. Annoque Regni Regis et 
Regince Williemi et Maries Primo. 

£y#HOMAS DANFORTH.* 

President of the province of Maine." 

u By the Governour and Council of Massachusetts* 
To Major Benjamin Church. 

Whereas ) r ou are appointed and commissioned by 
the council of war, of the colony of New Plym- 
outh, commander in chief of the forces raised with- 
in the said colony, against the common Indian ene- 
my, now ordered into the eastern parts to join with 
some of the forces of this colony ; for the prosecu- 
tion, repelling and subduing of the said enemy. It 
is therefore ordered that Captain Simon Willard, 
and Captain Nathaniel Hall, with the two companies 
of soldiers under their several commands, belonging 
to this colony, now in or about Casco bay, be, and 
are hereby put under you, as their commander in 
chief for this present expedition. — And of the com- 
missions severally given to either of them, they are 
ordered to observe and obey your orders and direc- 
tions as their commander in chief until further order 
from the Governour and council, or the commission- 
ers of the colonies. Dated in Boston the 17th day 
of September, Anno Domini, 1698. Annoque Regni 

*This gentleman was born in England 1622. He was a 
man of influence, which he employed to good account in the 
difficult days of Newengland. In 1679, he was elected depu- 
ty Governour, and the same year, the inhabitants of the 
province of Maine, chose him their President. On the arri- 
val of the tyrant, Andross, he was suspended from office. — 
He died in 1699, aged 77 years. Nothing more honourable, 
perhaps, can be said of him, considering the age in which he 
lived, than, that he opposed with firmness the proceedings of 
those courts, which caused such a foul page in our history by 
their detestable prosecutions and persecutions for witchcraft. 
See Allen, Biog. 240. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. \ijtf 

Regis et Regince Guilielmi et Maries, Anglice, fyc. 
Primo. 

S. BRADSTREET, Gov. 
Past in Council Attest, Isaac Addington* Seer" 

"By the Commissioners of the Colonies of the Mas- 
sachusetts, Plymouth and Connecticut, for mana- 
ging the present war against the common enemy. 
Instructions for Major Benjamin Church, Comman- 
der in Chief of the Plymouth forces, with others 
of the Massachusetts, put under his command. 
In pursuance of the commission given you, for 
their Majesties' service in the present expedition 
against the common Indian enemy, their aiders and 
abettors; reposing confidence in your wisdom, pru- 
dence and fidelity in the trust committed to you for 
the honour of God, good of his people, and the secu- 
rity of the interest of Christ in his churches, expect- 
ing and praying that in your dependence upon him, 
you may be helped and assisted with all that grace 
and wisdom which is requisite for carrying you 
on with success in this difficult service ; and though 
much is and must be left to your discretion, as pro- 
vidence and opportunity may present from time 
to time in places of attendance ; yet the following 
instructions are commended unto your observation, 
and to be attended to so far as the state of mat- 
ters with you in such a transaction will admit. 
You are with all possible speed to take care that the 

* Mr. Addington was one of those who took a very active 
part in opposition to the tyrannical measures of Andross. On 
the accession of William and Mary he was appointed Secre- 
tary, which office he discharged with integrity for some time. 
It seems that in those days, as well as at the present, office 
seekers were not entirely unknown, but, " the emoluments of that 
office were small, compared with the duty, and so he was in less 
danger of a competitor." He belonged to the council for many 
years, and was respected as a justice of the peace for wisdom 
and industry. He died in 1714. 



3=4 



158 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

Plymouth forces, both English and Indians under 
your command, be fixed, and ready, and the first op- 
portunity of wind and weather, to go on board such 
vessels as are provided to transport you and them 
to Casco, where, if it shall please God you arrive, 
you are to take under your care and command, the 
companies of Captain Nathaniel Hall, and Captain 
Simon Willard, who are ordered to attend your com- 
mand, whom, together with the Plymouth forces, 
and such as from time to time may be added unto 
you, you are to improve in such way as you shall 
see meet, for the discovering, pursuing, subduing 
and destroying the said common enemy, by all op- 
portunities you are capable of; always intending the 
preserving of any of the near towns from incursions, 
and destruction of the enemy; yet chiefly improving 
your men for the finding and following the said 
enemy abroad, and if possible to find out and attack 
their head quarters and principal rendezvous, if you 
find you are in a rational capacity for so doing. 
The better to enable you thereto, we have ordered 
two men of war sloops, and other small vessels for 
transportation to attend you for some considerable 
time. You are to see that your soldiers' arms be 
always fixed, and that they be furnished with ammu- 
nition, provisions and other necessaries, that so they 
may be in readiness to repel and attack the enemy. 
In your pursuit you are to take special care to avoid 
danger by ambushments, or being drawn under any 
disadvantage by the enemy in your marches, keep- 
ing out scouts and a forlorn hope before your main 
body, and by all possible means endeavouring to sur- 
prise some of the enemy, that so you may gain intel- 
ligence. You are to suppress all mutinies and disorders 
among your soldiers, as much as in you lies, and to 
punish such as disobey your officers, according to the 
rules of war herewith given you. 

You are according to your opportunity, or any 
occasion more than ordinary occurring, to hold cor 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 159 

respondence with Major Swaine, and to yield mutual 
assistance when, and as you are capable of it, and 
you may have reason to judge it will be of most 
publick service, and it will be meet, [that] you and 
he should agree of some signal, whereby your In- 
dians may be known from the enemy. You are to 
encourage your soldiers to be industrious, vigorous, 
and venturous in their service, to search out and 
destroy the enemy, acquainting them, it is agreed 
by the several colonies, that they shall have the 
benefit of the captives, and all lawful plunder, and 
the reward of eight pounds per head, for every 
fighting Indian man slain by them, over and above 
their stated wages ; the same being made appear to 
the commander in chief, or such as shall be appoint- 
ed to take care therein. If your commission officers, 
or any of them should be slain, or otherwise incapa- 
ble of service, and for such reason dismissed, you 
are to appoint others in their room, who shall have 
the like wages, and a commission sent upon notice 
given ; you [are] to give them commissions in the 
mean time. You are to take effectual care that the 
worship of God be kept up in the army; morning 
and evening prayer attended as far as may be, and 
as the emergencies of your affairs will admit; to 
see that the holy Sabbath be duly sanctified. You ' 
are to take care as much as may be, to prevent or 
punish drunkenness, swearing, cursing or such other 
sins as do provoke the anger of God. You are to 
advise with your chief officers in any matters of 
moment, as you shall have opportunity. You are 
from time to time to give intelligence and advice to 
the Governour and council of the Massachusetts, or 
commissioners of the colonies, of your proceedings 
and occurrences that may happen, and how it shall 
please the Lord to deal with you in this present ex- 
pedition. If you find the vessels are not likely to 
be serviceable to you, dismiss them as soon as you 
may. 



iL*=r=: 



160 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

Captain Sylvanus Davis is a prudent man and well 
acquainted with the affairs of those parts, and is writ- 
ten unto to advise and inform you all he can. 

Such further instructions as we shall see reason 
to send unto you, you are carefully to attend and 
observe ; and in the absence of the commissioners, 
you shall observe the orders and instructions direct- 
ed unto you from the Governour and council of the 
Massachusetts. 

Given under our hands in Boston, Sept. 18, 1689. 

THOMAS DANFORTH, President. 
ELISHA COOKE, 
SAMUEL MASON, 
WILLIAM PITKIN, 
THO. HINKLEY, 
JOHN WALLEY. 



THE FIRST EXPEDITION EAST. 

Being ready, Major Church embarked with his 
forces on board the vessels provided to transport, 
them for Casco.* Having a brave gale at south- 
west, and on Friday about three o'clock, they got 
in sight of Casco harbour. And discovering two or 
three small ships there, [and] not knowing whether 
they were friends or enemies, whereupon the said 
commander, Major Church, gave orders that every 
man that was able should make ready, and all lie 
close; giving orders how. they should act in case they 
were enemies. He, going in the Mary sloop, together 
with the Resolution, went in first, being both well 
fitted with guns and men. Coming to the first, hailed 
them, who said they were friends ; presently man- 
ned their boat, brought to, and so came along the 

*What was since included in the towns of Falmouth, Cape 
Elizabeth and Portland, was called Casco. It is situated on 
Casco bay. This bay at its entrance between Cape Porpoise and 
Cape Elizabeth, is about 40 miles wide. Sullivan's Hist. Maine, 
13. In Philip's war depredations were committed here by thl 
savages and many were killed. lb. 198, &c. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 161 

side of [him.] 1 [They] 2 gave the said Church an 
account, that yesterday there was a very great army 
of Indians, and French with them upon the island,* 
at the going out of the harbour, and that they were 
come on purpose to take Casco fort and town ;f like- 
wise informed him that they had got a captive wo- 
man aboard, (Major Walden'sJ daughter, of Piscata- 
1 [them.] 2 [who] 

* There are about 300 islands in Casco bay. What the name 
of this was I have not learned. 

fls this the "body of 600 Indians," mentioned by Belknap, 
N. H. I, 267, that were going to attack Casco ? I do not find 
any thing like it in the place it should be. He cites " Church's 
memoirs, 104," perhaps he used the first edition of this history, 
as no mention of any thing of the kind is seen in the second. 
In touching upon the operations under Church in 1704, he 
says, "while they were at Mountdesert Church learned from 
9 of his prisoners" of the body of Indians just named. It 
will be seen in the Fifth Expedition, that Lafaure's son in- 
formed Church at Montinicus, of some French and Indians 
" that were to go westward to fight the English," but nothing 
of the kind took place at Mountdesert, nor any information 
from "9 prisoners," or that the expedition was to attack 
Casco. 

| Waldron is now the correct way of writing this name. 
Hubbard wrote it as our author does, but more frequently with 
an r after the e. Some other historians put the r before the e, 
so we are at a loss how the name was originally spelt. 

Major Richard Waldron was a native of Somersetshire, 
England, and was one of the first settlers at Cochecho, now 
Dover, Newhampshire. The tragical death of this noted 
man is given by Dr. Belknap, Hist. N. H. I, 197, 198; but as 
that excellent work is not in the hands of many, it may be 
proper to give the particulars in this place. At the close of 
Philip's war, many of the western Indians fled to the east- 
ward. Some of them, with others of Pannacook and Pig- 
wocket, had assembled at Major Waldron's with whom they 
had lately treated. Captains Syll and Hawthorne, being 
despatched by the Massachusetts' government against the 
Indians on the Kennebeck, arrived there with their men, 
under orders to seize all Indians that had been concerned in 
the war. They were about to execute their orders by seiz- 
ing these Indians, but Maj. Waldron formed the design of 
taking them in a sham training, which he had invited them 
11 



182 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

qua) that could give him a full account o. theii 
numbers and intentions. He bid them give hu ser- 

to join in. Accordingly all were taken, in number about 400. 
Those that were not found to have been in the former war were 
dismissed, and the rest were sent to Boston. About 8 or 10 
were hanged as murderers, and the rest sold into slavery. This 
was the latter part of 1676. Now 13 years had expired, but 
revenge remained in the breasts of those tribes whose friends 
had been so cruelly treated. They therefore formed the design 
to destroy all the garrisons at Cochecho, which was thus artfully- 
concerted. Two squaws were to get permission to lodge in 
each, and after all was still in the dead of night, they were to 
open the doors for their friends. No fear was discovered among 
the English, and the squaws were admitted. One of those 
admitted into Waldron's garrison, reflecting, perhaps, on the 
ingratitude she was about to be guilty of, thought to warn 
the Major of his danger. She pretended to be ill, and as she lie 
on the floor would turn herself from side to side, as though 
to ease herself of pain that she pretended to have. While 
in this exercise she began to sing and repeat the following 
verse. 

«0 Major Waldo, 
You great Sagamore, 
O what will you do, 
Indians at your door!" 

No alarm was taken at this, and the doors were opened 
according to their plan, and the enemy rushed in with great 
fury. They found the Major's room as he leaped out of bed, 
but with his sword he drove them through two or three 
rooms, and as he turned to get some other arms, he fell stun- 
ned by a blow with the hatchet. They dragged him into 
his hall and seated him on a table in a great chair, and then 
began to cut his flesh in a shocking manner. Some in turns 
gashed his naked breast, saying, "I cross out my account." 
Then cutting a joint from a finger, would say, "Will your 
fist weigh a pound now ]"* His nose and ears were then cut 
off and forced into his mouth. He soon fainted, and fell from 
his seat, and one held his own sword under him, which pas- 
sed through his body, and he expired. The family were 
forced to provide them a supper while they were murdering 

the 

* It is a tradition concerning Major Waldron, that he used in trading with the 
Indians, to count his fist as weighing a pound, also that his accounts were false 
and not crossed out according to agreement. But in justice to the Major, it should 
be remembered, that strange Indians, who thought themselves injured by ono 
Englishman, would take revenge on the first that fell into their hands. 



' i -ra 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 163 

vice to their captain, and tell him, [that] he would 
wait upon him after he had been on shore and given 
some orders and directions. Being come pretty 
near, he ordered all the men still to keep close; 
giving an account of the news [which] he had re- 
ceived, and then went ashore; where were several 
of the chief men of the town, who met him, being 
glad that he came so happily to their relief; told him 
the news [that] Mrs. Lee # had given them, being the 
woman aforesaid. 

He [went] 1 to Captain Davis,-f to get some refresh- 
ment, having not eaten a morsel since he came by 
Boston castle. And now having inquired into the 
state of the town, found them in a poor condition to 
defend themselves against such a number of enemies. 
He gave them an account of his orders and instruc- 
tions, and told them what forces he had brought, and 
■ ' [g° in g] 

the Major. This was on Thursday 27 June, 1689. Major 
Waldron was 80 years old when killed. Fifty two persons 
were killed, and taken captive, of the former were 23. MS. 
Recollections. 

* Daughter of Major Waldron, as mentioned above. She was 
taken the same time her father was killed, as related in the last 
note. Her husband's name was Abraham Lee, who was killed 
when the garrison was taken. 

f Captain Sylvanus Davis, the same mentioned in the preced- 
ing instructions. By Hutchinson, II, 21, it appears that he was 
once taken prisoner and carried to Canada, and that he com- 
manded the fort at Casco from which he was taken, which, I 
suppose, was in 1690; for in that year the country upon the 
bay was desolated. There were a number of garrisons, and a 
fort, but were all taken. Captain Davis with one Captain 
Lake were besieged on Arrowsike island in 1676, but effected 
their escape out of the back door of a house, and ran to 
the water's edge, and in a boat fled to the nearest land. Capt. 
Lake was shot down as he landed, but Davis escaped with a 
wound. The body of Lake was afterward found, and con- 
veyed away by Major Waldron, Davis, on the arrival of Gov. 
Phips, in 1692, was appointed one of the counsellors for the 
eastern ountry. How long he continued in that office is not 
known to me, but by Sullivan, 167, it appears that he sustained 
it in 1701. 



164 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

that when it was dark they should all lane and not 
before, lest the enemy should discover them. And 
then he went on board the privateer [which was a 
Dutchman.] 1 But as he went, called on board every 
vessel, and ordered the officers to take care that their 
men might be all fitted and provided to fight ; for the 
people of the town expected the enemy to fall upon 
them every minute. But withal, charging them to 
keep undiscovered. 

And coming on board said privateer, was kindly 
treated. [He] discoursed [with] Mrs. Lee, who in- 
formed him, that the company she came with, had 
four score canoes, and that there were more of them, 
whom she had not seen, which came from other pla- 
ces, and that they told her, when they come all to- A 
gether should make up seven hundred men. He 
asked her whether Casteen* was with them? She 
answered, that there were several French men with 

1 [who were Dutchmen] 

* Baron De St. Castine, a very extraordinary character. Ac- 
cording to Voltaire and the Abbe Raynal he had been Colonel 
of the regiment of Corignon, in France, and was a man of 
family and fortune. He came to America in 1 670, and settled 
among the Penobscot Indians; married a daughter of the chief, 
and had several other wives. By the treaty qf Breda, the terri- 
tory beyond the Penobscot was ceded to France, and Castine 
lived within that country. Some difficulty arose about a cargo 
of wine, which was landed in the country, and a new line was 
run by the English, by which the place of landing, together with 
Castine's lands, was taken within the English claim. Andross, 
in his expedition before named, plundered Castine's house of 
every thing valuable in his absence. This base act so exaspera- 
ted him, that he used his exertions to inflame the Indians 
against the English, which he effectually did, and their chief 
supplies of arms and ammunition were furnished by him. He had 
an estate in France, to which he retired when the French lost 
their possessions in that part of the country. See Sullivan's 
Hist. 93, 158, 226. Hist. N. H. 1,-195, 196. If we name 
this war from those that occasioned it, we may call it Cas- *, 
tine's war. But the French, perhaps, would call it Andross" * 
war. 



FRENCH AND INDIANS WARS. 165 

them, but did not know whether Casteen was there 
or not. He then having got what intelligence she 
could give him, went ashore and viewed the fort and 
town; discoursing with the gentlemen there accord- 
ing to his instructions. 

And when it began to grow dark, he ordered the 
vessels to come as near the fort as might be, and land 
the soldiers with as little noise as possible; ordering 
them as they landed to go into the fort and houses, 
that stood near, that so they might be ready upon 
occasion. Having ordered provisions for them, [he] 
went to every company and ordering them to get 
every thing ready; they that had no powderhorns or 
shotbags, should immediately make them; ordering 
the officers to take special care that they were ready 
to march into the woods an hour before day; and 
also directing the watch to call him two hours before 
day. So he hastened to bed to get some rest. 

At the time prefixed he was called and presently 
ordering the companies to make ready, and about 
half an hour before day they moved. Several of the 
town's people went with them into a thick place of 
brush about half a mile from the town. Now order- 
ing them to send out their scouts as they used to do, 
and seeing them all settled at their work, he went in- 
to town by sunrise again, and desired the inhabitants 
to take care of themselves, till his men had fitted 
themselves with some necessaries; for his Indians, 
most of them, wanted both bags and horns. So he 
ordered them to make bags like wallets, to put pow- 
der in one end, and shot in the other. 

So most of them were ready for action, viz., the 
Seconet Indians, but the Cape Indians were very 
bare, lying so long at Boston before they embarked, 
that they had sold every thing [that] they could make 
a penny of; some tying shot and powder in the cor- 
ners of their blankets. 

He being in town, just going to breakfast, there 
was an alarm ; so he ordered all the soldiers in town to 



166 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

move away as fast they could, where the firing 
was. And he, with what men more were with him cf 
his soldiers, moved immediately. [They met] 1 with 
Captain Bracket's* sons, who told [them that,] 2 their 
father was taken ; and that they saw a great army of 
Indians in their father's orchard, &c. By this time 
our Indians that wanted bags and horns were fitted, 
but wanted more ammunition. Presently came a 
messenger to him from the town, and informed him, 
that they had knocked out the heads of several casks 
of bullets, and they were all too big, being musket 
bullets, and would not fit their guns, and that if he 
did not go back himself, a great part of the army 
would be kept back from service for want of suitable 
bullets. 

He ran back and ordered every vessel to send 
ashore all their casks of bullets; being brought, 
[they] knocked out their heads, and turned them all 
out upon the green by the fort, and set all the peo- 
ple in the town, that were able, to make slugs; being 

1 [and meeting] 3 [him] 

* Captain Anthony Bracket, an early settler on Caseo bay, 
where his posterity yet remain. Notice is taken by Sullivan, 
1 1 6, that the family were considerable landholders in Falmouth, 
between the 1680, and 1690, under a title of the government,, 
signed by president Danforth. lb. 196, 197. When Casco was 
destroyed in 1676, Captain Bracket with his wife and one child 
was taken by the savages. This was on the 1 1 August, and the 
November following they made their escape. Those that 
had them prisoners, landed them on the north shore of the 
bay, and here their keepers had intelligence of a valuable house, 
taken by another party, the spoils of which they were eager 
to share; therefore, leaving Bracket, his wife and child, and a 
negro, with some provisions, who promised that they would 
come after, and departed. They found an old birch canoe, in 
which they escaped to the other side of the bay, where, only 
the day before the enemy had left. Here they got on board a 
vessel bound to Pascataqua, were they arrived safe. Hubbard, 
293 to 296. What time Bracket returned to his lands does not 
appear. When Andross erected forts there in 1688, Captain 
Bracket was put in command of three. Sullivan, 260. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 167 

most of them too large for their use, whLh had like 
to have been the overthrow of their whole army. 
He finding some small bullets, and what slugs were 
made, and three knapsacks of powder, went imme- 
diately to the army, which was very hotly engaged. 
But coming to the river the tide was up; he called to 
his men that were engaged, encouraging them, and 
told them [that] he had brought more ammunition for 
them. An Indian, called Captain Lightfoot,* laid 
down his gun, and came over the river, taking the 
powder upon his head, and a kettle of bullets in each 
hand, and. got safe to his fellow soldiers. 

He perceiving great firing upon that side he was 
of, went to see who they were, and found them to be 
two of Major Church's companies, one of English 
and the other of Indians, being in all about four score 
men, that had not got over the river, but lay firing 
over our men's heads at the enemy. He presently 
ordered them to rally, and come all together, and 
gave the word for a Casco man. So one Swarton, a 
Jersey man,f appearing, whom he could hardly un- 
derstand. He asked him how far it was to the head 
of the river, or whether there were any place to get 
r-ver? He said [that] there was a bridge about three 
quarters of a mile up, where they might get over. 
So he calling to his soldiers, engaged on the other 
side, that he would soon be with them over the 
bridge, and come upon the backs of the enemy, 
which put new courage into them. So they imme- 
diately moved up towards the bridge, marching very 
thin; being willing to make what show they could : 
shouting as they marched. They saw the enemy 
running from the river side, where they had made 
stands with wood to prevent any body from coming 
over the river; and coming to the bridge, they saw 
on the other side, that the enemy had laid logs, and 

* See note 2 on page 100. 
f An Irishman. 



168 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 



stuck birch brush along to hide themselves from our 



view. 



He ordered the company to come altogether, bid- 
ding them all to run after him, who would go first ; 
and that as soon as they got over the bridge, to scat- 
ter; that so they might not all be shot down to- 
gether; expecting the enemy to be at their stands. 
So running up to the stands, found none there, but 
were just gone; the ground being much tumbled 
with them behind the said stands. He ordered 
the Captain with his company of English to march 
down to our men, engaged, and that they should keep 
along upon the edge of the marsh, and himself, with 
his Indian soldiers would march down through the 
brush. And coming to a parcel of low ground, 
which had been formerly burnt, the old brush being 
fallen down, lay very thick, and the young brush 
being grown up, mado it bad travelling. But com- 
ing near the back of the enemy, one of his men call- 
ed unto him, (their commander) and said, " The ene- 
my run westward to get between us and the bridge." 
And he looking that way, saw men running; and 
making a small stop, heard no firing, but a great 
chopping with hatchets; so concluding the fight was 
over, made the best of their way to the bridge again ; 
lest the enemy should get over the bridge into the 
town. 

The men being most of them out, (our ammuni- 
tion lay exposed) [and] coming to the bridge where 
he left six Indians for an ambuscade on the other side 
of the river, that if any enemy offered to come over, 
they should fire at them, which would give him notice ; 
so would come to their assistance. (But in the way, 
having heard no firing, nor shouting, concluded the 
enemy were drawn off.) He asked the ambuscade 
whether they saw any Indians? they said "Yes, 
abundance." He asked them where? They answer- 
ed, that they ran over the head of the river by the 



FRENCH AND IN, IAN WARS. "<>9 

cedar swamp, and were running into the neck to- 
wards the town. 

There being but one Englishman with him, he bid 
his Indian soldiers scatter, [and] run very thin, to 
preserve themselves and be the better able to make 
a discovery of the enemy. And soon coming to 
Lieutenant Clark's* field, on the south side of the 
neck, and seeing the cattle feeding quietly, and per- 
ceiving no track, concluded the ambuscade had told 
them a falsehood. They hastily, returned back to 
the said bridge, perceiving [that] there was no noise 
of the enemy. 

He hearing several great guns fire at the town 
concluded that they were either assaulted, or that 
they had discovered the enemy ; [ — j 1 having order- 
ed that in case such should be, that they should fire 
some of their great guns to give him notice. He 
being a stranger to the country, concluded [that] the 
enemy had, by some other way, got to the town ; 
whereupon he sent his men to the town, and himself 
going to the river, near where the fight had been, 
asked them how they did, and what was become of 
the enemy % [They] 2 informed him that the enemy 
drew off in less than an hour after he left them, and 
had not fired a gun at them since. He told them 
[that] he had been within little more than a gun 
shot of the back of the enemy, and had been upon 
them, had it not been for thick brushy ground, &c. 

Now some of his men returning from the town, 
gave him the account, that they went while they saw 
i [He] 2 [Who] 

* The name of Clark occurs early among the first claimers 
of the soil in this part of the country. To Thomas Clark 
and Roger Spencer, was sold the island of Arrowseag, as the 
Indians called it, but the English, Arrowsike. It appears 
also that Clark possessed lands on the main, from whence he 
was driven in 1675. Sullivan, 145, 169, 173. This if not 
the same may be a relative. Mather, Mag., 524, informs us, 
that one Lieut. Clark was killed here in a sally in May 
1690. 

H 



r-^dS 



=T 



*70 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

the colours standing, and men walking about as not 
molested. He presently ordered that all his army* 
should pursue the enemy, but they told him that 
most of them had spent their ammunition ; and that 
if the enemy had engaged them a little longer, they 
might have come and knocked them on the head ; 
and that some of their bullets were so unsizeable, 
that some of them were forced to make slugs while 
they were engaged. 

He then ordered them to get over all the wounded 
and dead men, and to leave none behind, which was 
done by some canoes they had got. Captain Hallf 
and his men being first engaged, did great damage, 
and suffered the greatest loss in his men. But Cap- 
tain Southworth,J r with his company, and Captain 
Numposh with the Seconet Indians, and the most of 
the men belonging to the town all coming suddenly 
to his relief, prevented him and his whole company 
from being cut off, &c. 

By this time the day was far spent, and marching 
into town about sunset, carrying in all their wounded 
and dead men ; being all sensible of God's goodness 
to them, in giving them the victory, and causing the 
enemy to fly with shame ; who never gave one shout 
at their drawing off. The poor inhabitants wonder- 
fully rejoiced that the Almighty had favoured them 
so much ; saying, that if Major Church with his for- 
ces had not come at that juncture, they had been all 
cut off; and said further, that it was the first time, 
that ever the eastward Indians had been put to flight. 

* How numerous this army was is not toLl us, but it proba- 
Dly consisted of near 400 men, as his own volunteers number- 
ed 250, and these men were joined by two other companies 
as mentioned in his commission from the Massachusetts gov- 
ernment. 

■f Captain Nathaniel Hall was of the Massachusetts where 
the name is very common at this day. Mather, Mag. II, 
515, says, " he had been a valiant captain in the former war." 

J Captain Nathaniel Southworth of Plymouth colony. I 
find no particulars of him. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 171 

The said Church with his volunteers were wonder- 
fully preserved, having never a man killed outright, 
and but one Indian mortally wounded, who died ; 
several more being badly wounded, but recovered.* 
After this engagement Major Church, with his for- 
ces, ranging all the country thereabout, in pursuit of 
the enemy, and visiting all the garrisons at Black 
point,f Spurwink,J and Blue point,§ and went up 
Kennebeck|| river, but to little effect. And now 
winter drawing near, he received orders from the 
government of Massachusetts bay, to settle all the 
garrisons, and put in suitable officers according to 
his best discretion, and to send home all his soldiers, 
volunteers and transports, which orders he presently 
obeyed. IT Being obliged to buy him a horse to go 
home by land, that so he might the better comply 
with his orders. 

* The killed and wounded spoken of above as being 
brought over in canoes, were Captain Hall's men By this 
statement reference is only made to the Plymouth forces. 
Mather says, that 10 or 12 were killed. MagnaLa, II, 515. 

t A short distance to the west of Cape Elizabeth, in the 
town of Scarborough, and was called the east pansh. 

X " On the west line of Cape Elizabeth [town] or on the 
ast line of Scarborough." A small river meets the sea here 
$f the same name. Sullivan, 26, 115. 

§ A little to the west of Black point and was the west par- 
ish of Scarborough, lb. 213. 

|| Sullivan, 31, tells us, that this name, " no doubt," is de- 
rived " from a race of Sagamores of the name of Kenebis." 
This noble and beautiful river enters the ocean to the east of 
Casco bay, in about 33 d. 42 min., north latitude. It is the 
ancient Sagadahock, and is celebrated as the place where 
the first settlement was made in Newengland. It was on an 
island at the mouth of said river, called Stage island, in 1607, 
by a colony of 100 persons in two ships under the direction of 
Sir John Popham. But the next year, their chief men being 
dead, the colony returned to England. An earlier date is 
assigned to the discovery of the river by the French, namely, 
in 1604. See an anecdote of this settlement in the Appen- 
dix, No. XII, 4. 

1T At this time, the whole eastern country was saved by 
this expedition. Sullivan, 202. 



172 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. • 

The poor people, the inhabitants of Casco, ar d 
places adjacent, when they saw [that] he was going 
away from them, lamented sadly, and begged earn- 
estly that he would suffer them to come away in the 
transports ; saying, that if he left them there, that 
in the spring of the year, the enemy would come and 
destroy them and their families, &c. So by their 
earnest request, the said Major Church promised 
them, that if the governments that had now sent him, 
would send him the next spring, he would certainly 
come with his volunteers and Indians to their relief; 
and, that as sooa as he had been at home, and taken 
a little care of his own business, he would certainly 
wait upon the gentlemen of Boston, and inform them 
of the promise [that] he had made to them ; and if 
they did not see cause to send them relief, to entreat 
their honours, seasonably to draw them off, that they 
might not be a prey to the barbarous enemy. 

Taking his leave of those poor inhabitants, some 
of the chief men there, waited upon him to Black 
point, to Captain Scottaway's* garrison. Coming 
there, they prevailed with the said Captain Scottaway 
to go with him to Boston, which he readily complied 
with, provided the said Church would put another in 
to command the garrison ; which being done, and 
taking their leave one of another, they set out and 
travelled through all the country, home to Boston ; 
(having employed himself to the utmost to fulfil his 
instructions, last received from Boston ; which cost 
him about a month's service over and above what he 
had pay for from the Plymouth gentlemen.) And in 
his travel homeward, several gentlemen waited upon 
the said Major Church, who was obliged to bear their 
expenses. f 

* No more of this gentleman is found, than what is given in 
this place. 

t Whether this was a general custom in those days, or not, 
1 have taken no trouble to ascertain, but it would contribute 
very little to the dignity of an office now. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 173 

When he came to Boston gentlemen, he informed 
them of the miseries those poor people were in, by 
having their provisions taken from them by order of 
the president,* &c, then went home. 

[He] staid not long there before he returned to 
Boston, where Captain Scottaway waited for his com- 
ing, that he might have the determination of the go- 
vernment of Boston to carry home with him. [ — J 1 
It being the time of the small pox there, ([ — ] 2 Ma- 
jor Church not having had it) [he took] 3 up his lodg- 
ing near the Court house, [and had] 4 the first oppor- 
tunity to inform those gentlemen of the Court [of] 
his business. [They] 5 said [that] they were very 
busy in sending home Sir Edmund, the ship being 
ready to sail. 

The said Major Church still waited upon them, 
and at every opportunity entreated those gentlemen 
in behalf of the poor people of Casco, informing the 
necessity of taking care of them, either by sending 
fehem relief early in the spring, or suffer them to draw 
off, otherwise they would certainly be destroyed, &c. 
Their answer was, that they could do nothing till Sir 
Edmund was gone. Waiting there three weeks upon 
great expenses, he concluded to draw up some of the 
circumstances of Casco, and places adjacent, and to 
leave it upon the council board, before the Gover- 
nour and council. Having got it done, obtained 
liberty to go up where the Governour and council 
were sitting, he informed their honours, that he had 
waited till his patience was worn out, so had drawn 
up the matter to leave upon the board before them, 
which is as follows. 

" To the honoured Governour and council of the 

Massachusetts. 
Gentlemen, 

Whereas by virtue of yours, with Plymouth's de« 
l[and] 2 [and] 3 [taking] 4 [took] 5 [ w ho] 

•Thomas Danforth. 



174 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

sires and commands, I went eastward in the last ex- 
pedition against the common Indian enemy, where 
providence so ordered that we attacked their great- 
est body of forces, coming then for the destruction 
of Falmouth, which we know marched off repulsed 
with considerable damage, leaving the ground, and 
have never since [been] seen there, or in any place 
adjacent. The time of the year being then too late 
to prosecute any further design, and other accidents 
falling out contrary to my expectation, impeded the 
desired success. Upon my then removal from the 
province of Maine, the inhabitants were very solici- 
tous that this enemy might be further prosecuted, 
willing to venture their lives and fortunes, in the said 
enterprise, wherein they might serve God, their King, 
and country, and enjoy quiet and peaceable habita- 
tions. Upon which I promised to signify the same 
to yourselves, and willing to venture that little which 
providence hath betrusted me with, on the said ac- 
count. The season of the year being such, if some 
speedy action be not performed in attacking them, 
they will certainly be upon us in our out towns, God 
knows where, and the inhabitants there, not being 
able to defend themselves, without doubt many souls 
may be cut off, as otir last year's experience wofully 
hath declared. The inhabitants there, trust to your 
protection, having undertaken government and your 
propriety; if nothing be performed on the. said ac- 
count the best way, under correction, is to demolish 
the garrison, and draw off the inhabitants, that they 
may not be left to a merciless enemy ; and that the 
arms and ammunition may not be there for the 
strengthening of the enemy, who without doi! bt have 
need enough, having exhausted their greatest store 
in this winter season. I have performed my promise 
to them, and acquitted myself in specifying the same 
to yourselves. Not that I desire to be in any actioa 
although willing to serve my King and country, and 
may pass under the censure of scandalous tongues 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 175 

in the last expedition, which I hope they will amend 
on the first opportunity of service. I leave to ma- 
ture consideration, the loss of trade and fishery ; the 
war brought to the doors. What a triumph it will 
be to the enemy; derision to our neighbours, beside 
dishonour to God and our nation, and grounds of 
frown from our Prince; the frustration of those, 
whose eyes are upon you for help, who might have 
otherwise applied themselves to their King. Gentle- 
men, this I thought humbly to propose unto you, that 
1 might discharge myself in my trust from yourselves, 
and promise to the inhabitants of the province, but 
especially my duty to God, her Majesty, and my na- 
tion, praying for your honours prosperity, subscribe, 
Your servant, 

BENJAMIN CHURCH. 

A true copy given in at Boston, this 6th of February, 
1C89,* at the Council Board. 

Attest. T. S."f 

M&jpr Church said, moreover, that in thus doing 
he h?A complied with his promise to those poor peo- 
ple of Casco, and should be q^it from the guilt of 
their blood. The Govemour was pleased to thank 
him for his care and paixu taken, then taking his 
leave of them went home, and left Captain Scotta- 
way in a very sorrowful condition, who returned 
home sometime after with only a copy of what was 
left on the board by the said Church. Major Church 
not hearing any thing till May following, and then 
was informed, that those poor people of Casco were 
cut off by the barbarous enemy; J and although they 

*It should be 1690, or 1689-90. See note 1, on page 147. 

f For whose name these initials stand I have not satisfactorily 
ascertained. 

I In May, 1690. Some forces had just left Casco, and 
Joined Sir Wm. Phips to go against Portroyal, when an army 
of four hundred, or more, French and Indians were discover- 
ed about the place. " There was a for* r^»ar the water, and 



176 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

made their terms with Monsieur Casteen, who was 
commander of those enemies, yet he suffered those 
merciless savages to massacre and destroy the most 
of them. 

To conclude this first expedition East, I shall just 
give you a hint how Major Church was treated, al- 
though he was commander in chief of all the forces 
out of Plymouth and Boston government. After he 
came home, Plymouth gentlemen paid him but forty- 
two pounds, telling him, he must go to Boston gen- 
tlemen for the rest, who were his employers as well 
as they. Of whom he never had one penny, for all 
travel and expenses in raising volunteers, and ser- 
vices done ; except forty shillings or thereabout, 
for going from Boston to Rhodeisland on their busi- 
ness, and back to Boston again ; also for sending a 
man to Providence for Captain Edmunds,* who 
raised a company in those parts, and went east with 
them. 

another on the hill, near where the burying ground is, and 
another on the rocky ground, south from the place where the 
first meeting house stands," in what was the town of Fal- 
mouth. That near the burying ground was abandoned as 
untenable, and both of the others after some time were car- 
ried by assault. One hundred persons now fell into the 
hands of the enemy. The French commander promised the 

farrisons safety to their persons, and liberty to go to the next 
English town, but he kept his promise no longer than while 
he was in possession. The whole country hereabout was 
laid desolate, and presented a most dreadful scene of ruin. 
The ground was strewed with the bones of the dead, which 
Church, on his arrival afterward, gathered up and buried. 
Hist. Maine, 202. Magnalia, II, 524. 

* The same who is mentioned in Philip's war, 52. I learn 
nothing of his eastern expedition. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 177 



THE SECOND EXPEDITION EAST. 

In the year 1690 was the expedition* to Cana- 
ia,f and Major Walley J often requested Major Church 

* Canada had long been considered the source of all the 
evils endured by the colonies. Hence the long train of wars 
at the expense of so much blood and treasure to " drive the 
French out of Canada." Sir William Phips was the chief 
mover and executor of this expedition. His fleet, retarded 
by unavoidable accidents, did not arrive before Quebeck un- 
til the 5 October. The next morning, he sent a summons 
on shore, but received an insolent answer from the Govern- 
our. The next day, he attempted to land his troops, but was 
prevented by the violence of the wind. On the 8, all the 
effective men (12 or 1300) landed on the island of Orleans, 
4 miles below the town, and were fired on, from the woods, 
by the French and Indians. Having remained on shore un- 
til the 11, and then learning by a deserter, the strength of 
the place, they embarked with precipitation. In their way 
to Boston, the fleet was dispersed in a tempest. Some of the 
vessels were blown off to the West Indies, one was lost on an 
island near the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and two or three 
were never heard of. Holmes, I, 478, 479. No provisions 
at home had been made to pay the forces, relying on plun- 
der ; bills of credit, therefore, were resorted to, which were 
the first ever used in this country. Hutchinson, I, 356, 357. 

t The derivation of the word Canada, being so curious it 
was thought that it would be pardonable to give it a place in 
this work. Mr. Bozman, in his excellent " Introduction to 
a History of Maryland," 84, says that it is a traditional re- 
port, that previous to the visiting of Newfoundland by Car- 
tier, in 1534, some Spaniards visited that coast in search of 
gold, but its appearance discouraged them, and they quitted 
it in haste crying out as they went on board their vessel, 
* Aca nada, Aca nada," that is, in English, " There is noth- 
ing here." The Indians retained these words in their memo- 
ries, and afterward, when the French came to the country, 
they were saluted with the same words, and mistook them 
for the name of the country. And in time the first letter was 
lost, hence the name Canada. Something amounting to 
nearly the same thing may be seen in Mather's Magnalia, 
[I, 522. 

J John Walley, who had the command of the land forces, 
under Sir Willian Phips, against Canada. An entire jour- 
nal, kept by Walley, of that expedition, is preserved in 

h 12 



178 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

that if he would not go himself in that expedition, 
that he would not hinder others. He answered the 
said Walley, that he should hinder none but his old 
soldiers, that used to go along with him, &c, 

The said Church going down to Charlestown, to 
take his leave of some of his relations and friends, 
who were going into that expedition, promised his 
wife and family not to go into Boston, the small pox* 
being very rife there. Coming to Charlestown, seve- 
ral of his friends in Boston came over to see him. 
And the next day after the said Church came there, 
Major Walley came to him, and informed him that 
the Governour and council wanted to speak with 
him. He answered him, that he had promised his 
wife and family not to go into Boston ; saying, 
[that] if they had any business, they could write to 
him, and that he would send them his answer. 

Soon after came over two other gentlemen with a 
message, that the Governour and council wanted to 
have some discourse with him. The answer return- 
ed, was, that he intended to lodge that night at the 
Greyhound, in Roxbury, and that in the morning, 
would come to Pollard'sf at the south end of Bos- 
ton, which accordingly he did. Soon after he came 

Hutchinson, Ap. I, 470. He was judge of the superiour court 
of Massachusetts, and a member of the council. The church 
of Bristol is indebted to him as one of its principal founders 
He is represented, as possessing sweetness of spirit, wisdom 
in council, and impartiality as a Judge. He died 11 Janua- 
ry, 1712, aged 68 years. 

* I find no mention of the Small Pox at this time in Boston 
by any author that I have consulted ; but in the History of 
Dorchester it is noted, page 24, " that from the first of April, 
1690, unto the first of July, 1691, there died in Dorchester 
57 persons ; 33 of them of the smallpox, the rest of a fever." 
Hence from its near vicinity to Boston, no doubt it was very 
prevalent there. [Having since seen in Mr. Snow's Histo- 
ry of Boston, that it did prevail there as mentioned in the 
text.] 

f A publick house, under this name, is yet known in Bos- 
ton, at the golden ball, Elm street. 



=& 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 179 

• 

ihither, received a letter from the honourable Cap- 
tain Sewall,* to request him to come to the council. 
The answer [that] he returned by the bearer was, 
that he thought there was no need of his hazarding 
himself so much as to come and speak with them ; 
not that he was afraid of his life, but because he had 
no mind to be concerned ; and further by reason 
[that] they would not hearken to him about the poor 
people of Casco. But immediately came Mr. Max- 
fieldf to him, saying, that the council bid him tell 
the said Church, that if he would take his horse and 
ride along the middle of the street, there might be 
no danger. They were then sitting in council. 
He bid [him] 1 go and tell his masters not to trouble 
themselves whether he came upon his head or his 
feet, he was coming. However, thinking the re- 
turn was something rude, called him back to drink 
a glass of wine, and then he would go with him. 

So coming to the council, they were very thank- 
ful to him for his coming, and told him, that the oc- 
casion of their sending for him was, that there was 
a captive come in, who gave them an account, that 
the Indians were come down, and had taken posses- 
sion of the stone fort at Pejepscot,{ so that they 
i [them] 

* Stephen Sewall, I conclude this must be, who was com- 
mander of the fort at Salem. He was a brother of Judge Se- 
wall, and sustained several important offices. He married a 
daughter of the Rev. Mr. Mitchel of Cambridge, wao had 17 
children. He died about the 21 October, 1725, greatly re- 
spected and lamented. Eliot, N. E. Ifiog. 420. 

f I learn nothing of this person. The name is common in 
Newhampshire. 

J A fall of water in the Androscoggin. What the true or- 
thography of this word is, is unknown to me. Sullivan ends 
it with a double t, and again alters to Pegypscott. Mather 
has it Pechypscot. Some authors write u instead of o in the 
termination. Thus the different ways are brought under 
the view of the reader, that he may employ which he chooses. 
The stone fort was near the falls on the i.orth side of t;ie ri- 



V 






A 80 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

wanted his advice and thoughts about the matter 
whether they would tarry and keep in the fort or 
nof? and whether it were not expedient to send 
some forces to do some spoil upon them *? and fur- 
ther to know whether he could not be prevailed 
with to raise some volunteers, and go, to do some 
spoil upon them °l He answered them, [that] he was 
unwilling to be concerned any more ; it being very 
difficult and chargeable to raise volunteers, as he 
found by experience in the last expedition. 

But they using many arguments prevailed so far 
with him, that if the government of Plymouth saw 
cause to send him, he would go ; thinking the expe- 
dition would be short. [He then] took his leave of 
them and went home. 

In a short time after, there came an express from 
Governour Hinkley, to request Major Church to 
come to Barnstable to him, he having received 
a letter from the government of Boston to raise 
some forces to go east. Whereupon the said Major 
Church went the next day to Barnstable, as ordered. 
Finding the Governour and some of the council of 
war there, [who] discoursed [with] him ; [conclud- 
ed] 1 that he should take his Indian soldiers, and two 
English Captains, with what volunteers could be 
raised ; and that one Captain should go out of Ply- 
mouth and Barnstable counties, and the other out of 
Bristol county, with what forces he could raise ; 
concluding to have but few officers, to save charge. 

The said Church was at great charge and expense 
in raising of forces. Governour Hinkley promised 
that he would take care to provide vessels to tran- 
sport the said army, with ammunition and provisions, 
by the time prefixed by himself; for the govern- 
ment of Boston had obliged themselves by their let- 
1 [concluding] * 

ver, and was taken in the spring of this year, (1690) after the 
' .) It 
178, 9. 



English had left it, (probably.) It was" 4 miles from the wa- 
ters of Casco bay. Sullivan, 17 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 181 

ter, to provide any thing that was wanting. So at 
the time prefixed, Major Church marched down all 
his soldiers out of Biistol county to Plymouth, as or- 
dered. And being come, found it not as he expect- 
ed 5 for there were neither provisions, ammunition, 
or transports. So he immediately sent an express 
to the Governour, who was at Barnstable, to give 
him an account that he with the men were come to 
Plymouth, and found nothing ready. In his return 
to the said Church, [he] gave him an account of his 
disappointments, and sent John Lathrop* of Barnsta- 
ble in a vessel, with some ammunition and provi- 
sion on board, to him at Plymouth ; also sent him 
word that there were more on board of Samuel Al- 
lingf of Barnstable, who was to go for a transport, 
and that he himself would be at Plymouth next day. 
But Ailing never came near him, but went to Bil- 
lingsgate, J at Cape Cod, as he was informed. 

The Governour being come, said to Major Church, 
that he must take some of ;ne open sloops, and make 
spar decks to them, and lay platforms for the soldiers 
to lie upon, which delays were very expensive to the 
said Church ; his soldiers being all volunteers, daily 
expected to be treated by him, and the Indians al- 
ways begging for money to get drink. But he using 
his utmost diligence, made what despatch he could 
to be gone. Being ready to embark, received his 

* Probably, the ancestor of some eminent men of later 
times in Massachusetts. He perhaps was the son of John 
Lathrop, who fled from England in the days of persecution, 
and afterward settled in Barnstable. The first John died in 
1653. 

t It is thought that this name should have been written 
Allen. No pains have been taken to ascertain any thing 
concerning this person, but if what Dr. Mather says be cor- 
rect, he is a descendant of one Thomas Allen, who came to 
this countrv in 1638, and was afterward a it "mister io 
Charlestown. Eliot, 20. 

J In the town of Eastham. 



182 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

commission, and instructions from Governour Hink* 
ley, which are as follows. 

[The commission being the same as that for the first expedi- 
tion is here omitted. It was dated 2 September, 1690. 
The instructions, also, differing only in a few unimpor- 
tant matters, are omitted to give place to more interest- 
ing information. It may be proper to notice the chief dif- 
ferences. No men of war vessels attended, nor was Church 
directed to confer with any persons except his officers. The 
eight pounds per head over and above is not mentioned, and 
are signed only by Governour Hinkley. Date, the same as 
that of the commission.] 

Now having a fair wind, Major Church soon got 
to Piscataqua.* [He] 1 was to apply himself to Ma- 
jor Pike,f a worthy gentleman, who said, [that] he 
had advice of his coming from Boston gentlemen; 
also, [that] he had received directions, that what 
men the said Church should want, must be raised out 
of Hampshire, out of the several towns and garrisons. 
Major Pike asked him, how many men he should 
want'? He said, enough to make up his forces that 
he brought with him, three hundred, at least, and 
not more than three hundred and fifty. And so in 
about nine days time, he was supplied with two com- 
panies of soldiers. He having been at about twenty 
shillings a day charge in expenses while there. Now, 
i [who] 

* The country at the mouth of Pascataqua river went un- 
der the general name of Pascataqua, but since, the river only, 
is known by that name. The word was formerly, and some- 
times latterly, spelt as in the text, but an a should take the 
place of i. 

t Major Robert Pike was a person of distinction. He was 
among the first 28 counsellors appointed by charter, for the 
province of Massachusetts bay, who were to hold their offices 
until May 1693, or until others should be chosen in their 
stead. He might be the ancestor of the distinguished Nicho- 
las Pike of Somersworth, to whom we are much indebted for 
the best system of Arithmetick that has appeare I. An ac- 
count might perhaps be found of the family in Newhauip- 
Bhire, for which I have not had an opportunity. 



FRENCH AND NDIAN WARS. 183 

he received Major Pike's instructions, which are as 
followeth. 

" Portsmouth, in Newhampshire* Sept. 9, 1690. 
To Major Benjamin Church, Commander in Chief 

of their Majesties 1 forces, now designed upon the 

present expedition eastward, and now resident at 

Portsmouth. 

The Governour and council of the Massachusetts 
colony reposing great trust and confidence in your 
loyalty and valour, from experience of your former 
actions, and of God's presence with you in the same; 
in pursuance of an order, received from them com- 
manding it ; these are in their Majesties' names to 
empower and require you, as commander in chief, to 
take into your care and conduct these forces now 
here present at their rendezvous at Portsmouth; and 
they are alike required to obey you ; and with, them 
to sail eastward by the first opportunity to Casco, or 
places adjacent, that may be most commodious for 
landing with safety and secrecy; and to visit the 
French and Indians at their headquarters at Ameras- 
cogen, Pejepscot, or any other place, according as 
you may have hope or intelligence of the residence 
of the enemy; using always your utmost endeavour 
for the preservation of your own men, and the kill- 
ing, destroying, and utterly rooting out of the enemy, 
wheresoever they may be found ; and also, as much 
as may possibly be done, for the redeeming or re- 
covering of our captives in any places. 

You being there arrived, and understanding your 
way, to take your journey back again, either by land 
or water, as you shall judge most convenient for the 
accomplishing of the end intended ; and to give in- 
telligence always of your motions, whensoever you 
cs n with safety and convenience. 

• -i/tly. In all to consult your council, the com- 
ma »ae*"s or commission officers of your several com- 



184 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

panies, when it may be obtained, the greater part of 
whom to determine. And so the Lord of hosts, the 
God of armies, go along with you, and be your con- 
duct. Given under my hand, the day and year above 
said, 

Per ROBERT PIKE." 

Being ready, they took the first opportunity, and 
made the best of their way to Pejepscot fort, where 
they found nothing. From thence they marched to 
Amerascogen,* and when they came near the fort, 
Major Church made a halt, ordering the Captains to 
draw out of their several companies sixty of their 
meanest men, to be a guard to the Doctor, and knap- 
sacks, being not a mile from said fort. And then 
moving towards the fort, they saw young Doneyf and 
his wife, with two English captives. The said Doney 
made his escape to the fort, his wife was shot down, 
and so the two poor captives were released out of 
their bondage. 

The said Major Church and Captain Walton J made 

* This river has its rise in Newhampshire and flowing east- 
ward enters Maine in about 44 d. 20 min. N. Mather, says 
this place where they had now arrived at, was 40 miles up 
the river. Mag. 528. Perhaps few words have been writ- 
ten more different ways, than this. The authors of the 
Newhampshire Gazetteer prefer that as in the text, ex- 
cept, that they double the g and change the last e into i. 
But people in general, that live on said river, adopt the better 
method of Androscoggin. 

f He was an Indian, and all we know of him is found in this 
history ; except he be the one seized at Wells, mentioned by 
Mather, II, 545, and whose name is signed Robin Doney to 
the articles of peace at Pemmaquid in 1693. lb. 543. 

| Col. Shadrach Walton of Somersworth N. H A brave 
and valuable officer. In the long wars that followed, he 
rendered important services. To recount his actions would 
be to write a narrative, much beyond the limits of a note. 
More particulars of him may be found in Penhallow's history, 
in I Newhampshire Hist. Soc. Collections, than in any oth- 
er work extant. He was with Col. March, in 17^7, in an 
unsuccessful attempt on Portroyal. Here he fought a body 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 185 

no stop, making the best of their way to the fort 
with some of the army, in hopes of getting to the 
fort before young Doney ; but the river through 
which they must pass, being as deep as their arm- 
pits. However Major Church as soon as he was got 
over, stripped to his shirt and jacket, leaving his 
breeches behind, ran directly to the fort, having an 
eye to see if young Doney (who ran on the other 
side of the river,) should get there before him. The 
wind now blowing very hard in their faces, as they 
ran, was some help to them ; for several of our men 
fired guns, which they in the fort did not hear, so 
that we had taken all in the fort, had it not been for 
young Doney, who got to the fort just before we did. 
[He] 1 ran into the south gate, and out at the north, 
all the men following him, except one. [They] 2 all 
ran directly down to the great river and falls. 

The said Church and his forces being come pretty 
near, he ordered the said Walton to run directly with 
some forces into the fort, and himself with the rest, 
ran down to the river, after the enemy, who ran some 
of them into the river, and the rest under the great 
falls. Those who ran into the river were killed ; for 
he saw but one man get over, and he only crept up 
the bank, f aid there lay in open sight. And those 
that ran under the falls, they made no discovery of, 
notwithstanding several of his men went in under the 
said falls, and were gone some considerable time, 
[but] could not find them. So leaving a watch there, 
returned up to the fort, where he found but one man 
i [who] 2 [ w ho] 

of the enemy and put them to flight, being the only field offi- 
cer then on shore. Again in 1710, he rendered important 
service at the same place, when it was taken by the arma- 
ment under Col. Nicholson. In a note to page 119, in Pen- 
hallow's history it is remarked that " He was dismissed from 
service" (in 17 6 25) "and was succeeded by Col. Thomas 
Westbrook." But on what account he was dismissed, wheth- 
er from age or misconduct is unknown to me. He is men- 
tioned no more in Penhallow's history. 



J 



186 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

taken, and several women and cnildren; amongst 
whom were Captain Hakins'* wife and Worumbos'f 
wife, the sachem of that fort, with their children. The 
said Hakins was sachem of Pennacook,J who de- 

* Hawkins or Hogkins. This sachem had been treated 
with neglect by Governour Cranfield, which in part may ac- 
count for his enmity to the English. He made a treaty with 
them in 1685, which perhaps, was broken more through the ne- 
gligence of the English than the wish of Hogkins. He appears 
to have learned so much of the English language as to pre- 
tend to write and read. Four letters from under his hand 
are preserved in Belknap, I, Appendix, No. XLII, &c. One 
of which, as a curiosity, is here printed. 

"May 15, 1685. 

Honour Mr. Governor, 

Now this day I com your house, I want se you, and I 
bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if your 
worship when please then you receve my hand then shake 
your hand and my hand. You my friend because I remem- 
ber at old time when live my grant father and grant mother 
then Englishmen com this country, then my grant father and 
Englishmen they make a good govenant, they friend allways, 
my grant father leving at place called Malamake rever, oth- 
er name cjhef Natukkog and Panukkog, that one rever great 
many names, and I bring you this few skins at this first time 
I will give you my friend. This all Indian hand. 

JOHN * HAWKINS, Sagamore." 

This letter is the best written of the four, and are all very 
similar. I copy it precisely as I find it in Belknap. Two of 
the others are signed John Hogkins, and one, Mr. John 
Hogkins, the last has no date, and one is dated 16 May, and 
the other two the 15, both having 14 signers beside Hogkins, 
who, it is probable, were his principal men. The name of 
Hogkins or rather Hawkins he received from some English- 
man. His Indian name was Hancamagus. See N. H. Hist. 
Soc. Col. I, 221. 

t A sachem of the Androscoggins. He was with Madoka- 
wando in the celebrated attack on Storer's garrison at WelJs, 
an account of which may be seen in a succeeding note. 

X The country on the Merrimake river, including the pre- 
sent town of Concord, and the lands above and below, but 
how far, cannot be told ; as those people never set any par* 
ticular bounds to their country, that we know of. See Far- 
mer's account of the Pennacook Indians, in N. H. Hist. Soc. 
Col, I, 218. The word should be spelt as in the text, but 



tfRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 187 

stroyed Major Waldcn and his family, some time 
before, &c. 

Tiie said two women, viz. Hakins' and Worumbos 1 
wives requested the said Church, that he would spare 
them and their children's lives ; promising upon that 
condition, [that] he should have all the captives that 
were taken, and in the Indians' hands. He asked 
them how many? They said, about four score. So, 
upon that condition, he promised them their lives, 
&c. In the said fort there were several English cap- 
tives, who were in a miserable condition. Amongst 
them was Captain Hucking's* wife, of Oyster river.f 

Major Church proceeded to examine the man, 
taken, who gave him an account, that most of the 
fighting men were gone to Winterharbour,J to pro- 
vide provisions for the bay of Fundy§ Indians, who 

the author just cited, leaves out one n. Sullivan writes Pen- 
nycook. Belknap, whom many, justly in most respects, fol- 
low, writes it as in the text, with the omission of one n, as 
does Mather, whom he follows. 

* Hucking's garrison was taken, about the last of August, 
1689, in which were a few women and boys. The Indians 
had been in ambush for a number of days, until they had as- 
certained how many men belonged to the garrison, then as 
they all went out into the field one day, the Indians cut off 
their retreat, and killed them all excepting one, who escap- 
ed, being 18 in all. They then went to the garrison and de- 
manded a surrender, but the boys at first refused, and some 
fighting was done ; at length they surrendered on terms of 
life, &c. The assailants found means to fire the garrison, 
which hastened the surrender. Mather, Mag. II, 515. This 
woman is supposed to be the wife of the owner of the gar- 
rison. 

t Now Durham. The country thereabout, was formerly 
known by this name. 

+ At the mouth of Saco river in Maine. 

§ A large bay, sometimes called Frenchman's bay, contain 
ing the island Mountdesert, 8 or 10 miles to the eastward of 
the mouth of Penobscot river. Sullivan, 57, informs us, that 
it took the name of Frenchman's bay, from this circumstance. 
That with Demotte came over to America one Nicholas 
D'Aubri, a French ecclesiastic of respectability, who went 
on shore on the west side of the bay, and wandering into the 



188 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

were to come and join with them to fight the English, 
The soldiers being very rude, would hardly spare the 
Indian's life, while in examination ; intending when 
he had done, that he should be executed. But Cap- 
tain Hucking's wife, and another woman, down on 
their knees, and begged for him, saying, that he had 
been a means to save their lives, and a great many 
more ; and had helped several to opportunities to 
run away, and make their escape ; and that never, 
since he came amongst them, had fought against the 
English, but being related to Hakins' wife, kept at 
the fort with them, having been there two years ; but 
his living was to the westward of Boston. So, upon 
their request, his life was spared, &c. 

Next day the said Church ordered that all their 
corn should be destroyed, being a great quantity ; 
saving a little for the two old squaws, which he de- 
signed to leave at the fort, to give an account who 
he was, and from whence he came. The rest being 
knocked on the head, except the aforementioned, 
for an example ; ordering them all to be buried. 
Having inquired where all their best beaver was °l 
they said [that] it was carried away to make a pre- 
sent to the bay of Fundy Indians, who were coming 
to their assistance. 

Now being ready to draw ofT from thence, he 
called the two old squaws to him, and gave each of 
them a kettle, and some biscuit, bidding them to tell 
the Indians, when they came home, that he was 
known by the name of Captain Church, and lived in 
the westerly part of Plymouth government ; and that 
those Indians that came with him were formerly 
King Philip's men, and that he had met with them 
in Philip's war, and drawn them off from him, to 

woods in search of curiosities, was left by the boat to his fate. 
After three weeks he was found by a boat from the same ves- 
sel, almost emaciated. From which circumstance it receiv- 
ed the above appellation. But the waters between Nova- 
scotia and the main are generally understood to make the 
bay of Fundy. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 189 

fight for the English, against the said Philip, and his 
associates, who then promised him to fight for the 
English, as long as they had one enemy left. And 
said, that ' they did not question, but before Indian 
corn wa? ripe to have Philip's head ;'* notwithstand- 
ing [Philip] 1 had twice as many men as were in their 
country ; and that theyf had killed and taken one 
thousand three hundred and odd of Philip's men, 
women and children, and Philip himself, with several 
other sachems, &c. ; and that they should tell Ha- 
kins and Worumbos, that if they had a mind to see 
their wives and children, they should come to 
WellsJ garrison, and that there they might hear of 
them, &c. 

Major Church having done, moved with all his 
forces down to Mequait,§ where the transports were, 
(but in the way some of his soldiers threatened the 
Indian man prisoner very much, so that in a thick 
swamp, he gave them the slip and got away) and 

*!>] 

* See Philip's war, page 82. 

f The English. 

X Webhannet was the Indian name of Wells. This town 
is on the sea board about halfway between York and Saco, 
being 13 miles from the former. Storer's garrison was in 
this town, which was near where the old meeting house 
stood, and nearly half a mile south of the present place of 

f niblick worship, and was standing since the year 1760. Sul- 
ivan, 236. The town suffered greatly by the savages. 
About 500 French and Indians made a desperate attempt on 
the garrison, in May, 1691, and though it had but 15 men, by 
the valour of the commander, Captain Converse, and this 
few, they were repulsed. A sloop happened to arrive 
just before the engagement, which was a help to them, 
although they fought on board their vessels. A flag was sent 
to Capt. Converse, to persuade him to surrender j at his re- 
fusing, the officer said, " We will cut you up as fine as tobac- 
co before to-morrow morning." He bid them " come on for 
he wanted work." Magnalia, II, 532. 

§ A small bay or cove in Casco bay. It is generally writ- 
ten Maquoit. Mather, and after him Belknap wrote Mac- 
quoit. 



190 FRENCH AND IND AN WARS. 

when they all got on board the transports, the wind 
being fair, made tne best of their way for Winter- 
harbour ; and the next morning before day, and as 
soon as the day appeared, they discovered some 
smokes, rising towards Skaman's* garrison. He 
immediately sent away a scout of sixty men, and 
followed presently with the whole body. The scout 
coming near a river discovered the enemy to be on 
the other side of the river. But three of the enemy 
were come over the river, to the same side, T — j 1 
which the scout was of, [but discovering the scout,] 
ran hastily down to their canoe. One of which lay' 
at each end, [ — ] 2 and the third stood up to paddle 
over. The scout fired at them, and he that paddled, 
fell down upon the canoe, and broke it to pieces, so 
that all three perished. 

The firing put the enemy to the run, who left 
their canoes and provisions to ours. And old 
Doney,f and one Thomas Baker, an Englishman, 
who was a prisoner amongst them, were up at the 
falls,{ and heard the guns fire, expected the other 
Indians were come to their assistance, so came down 
the river in a canoe. But when they perceived that 
there were English as well as Indians, old Doney 
ran the canoe ashore, and ran over Baker's head, 
and followed the rest ; and then Baker came to ours, 
and gave an account of the beaver, hid at Pejepscot 
plain.§ And coming to the place where the plunder 
was, the Major sent a scout to Pejepscot fort, to 
see if they could make any discovery of the enemy's 
tracks, or could discover any coming up the river, 
l [of the river] 2 [of the canoe] 

* This was on the east side of Saco river, about two miles 
belou the falls. Sullivan, 180. The name should be spelt 
Scammon. lb. 

| Father of young Doney. J The falls in the Saco. 

§ In Brunswick. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 191 

[They] 1 returned, and said [that] they saw nothing 
but our old tracks at the said fort, &c. 

Now having got some plunder, one of the Cap- 
tains* said [that] it was time to go home, and seve- 
ral others were of the same mind. The Major be- 
ing much disturbed at this motion of theirs, expect- 
ing the enemy would come in a very short time, 
where they might have a great advantage of them, 
&c. 

Notwithstanding #dl he could say, or do, he was 
obliged to call a council, according to his instruc 
tions, wherein he was outvoted. The said comman- 
der seeing [that] he was put by of his intentions, 
proffered, [that] if sixty men would stay with him, 
he would not embark as yet ; but all he could say or 
do, could not prevail. Then they moved to the ves- 
sels, and embarked, and as they were going in the 
vessels, on the back side of Mayr point,f they discov- 
ered eight or nine canoes, who turned short about, 
and went up the river; being the same Indians that 
the Major expected, and would have waited for. 
The aforesaid Captain being much disturbed at what 
the Major had said to him, drew off from the fleet, 
and in the night ran aground. 

In the morning Anthony Bracket, having been 
advised and directed by the Indian that had made 
his escape from our forces, came down near where 
the aforesaid vessel lay aground, and got aboard. 
[He] 2 has proved a good pilot and Captain for his 
country. The next day being very calm and misty, 
i [who] 2 [ w ho] 

* From what follows we may suppose this to be one of the 
Captains from Plymouth government. But as there were 
two, we cannot be positive which was meant, and but one is 
named ; yet, another circumstance might induce us to sup- 
pose a Newhampshire Captain is meant, were it not said that 
the Plymouth forces sailed first. 

f What, in Sullivan's history, it is thought, is called Mer- 
ryconeag. It is a point in the east part of Casco bav- Ma- 
ther calls it Mares point, II, 557. 




192 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

so that they were all day getting down from Maquait 
to Perpodack,* and the masters of the vessels think- 
ing it not safe putting out in the night, so late in 
the year, anchored there. [ — J 1 The vessels being 
much crowded, the Major ordered that three compa- 
nies should go on shore, and no more. Himself 
with Captain Conversef went with them to order 
their lodging. And finding just houses convenient 
for them, viz., two barns and one house ; [and] 2 
seeing them all settled, and their watches out, the 
Major and Captain Converse returned to go on 
board. And coming near where the boat was, it 
was pretty dark, they discovered some men, but did 
not know what or who they were. The Major or- 
dered those that were with him, all to clap down 
and cock their guns, and he called out, and asked 
them who they were *? And they said, " Indians." 
He asked them whose men they were °l They said, 
" Captain Southworth's." He asked them where 
they intended to lodge "? They said, " In those lit- 
tle huts that the enemy had made when they took 
that garrison."f 

The Major told them [that] they must not make 
any fires, for if they did, the enemy would be upon 
them before day. They laughed, and said, " Our 
Major is afraid." Having given them their direc- 
tions, he ; with Captain Converse, went on board the 
1 [at Perpodack] 2 [ so ] 

* In the town of Cape Elizabeth, 6 or 8 miles from Port- 
land. It is also known by the name of Spring point 

f Captain James Converse. A distinguished partizan. 
No commander deserved better of their country than he, 
Beside his singular bravery in defending the garrison at 
Wells, mentioned in note 3, on page 189, the history of this 
war abounds with his exploits ; to enumerate which would 
far exceed the limits of this note. See Magnalia, II, 529, &c. 

X I can find no account of the Indians taking a garrison 
here until after this. In Queen Ann's or Villebon's war seve- 
ral persons were killed and some families carried into captivi- 
tv. Sullivan, 195. * 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 193 

Mary sloop, designing to write home, and send 
away in the morning the two sloops which had the 
small pox on board, &c. 

But before day our Indians began to make fires, 
and to sing and dance. So the Major called to 
Captain Southworth to go ashore and look after his 
men, for the enemy would be upon them by and by. 
He ordered the boat to be hauled up, to carry him 
ashore, and called Captain Converse to go with him ; 
and just as the day began to appear, as the Major 
was getting into the boat to go ashore, the enemy 
fired upon our men, (the Indians) notwithstanding 
that one Philip, an Indian of ours, who was out up- 
on the watch, heard a man cough, and the sticks 
crack, [and] 1 gave the rest an account, that he saw 
Indians, which they would not believe ; but said to 
him, " You are afraid." His answer was, that they 
might see them come creeping. They laughed and 
said, [that] they were hogs. " Ah," said he, " and 
they will bite you by and by."- So presently they 
did fire upon our men. But the morning being mis- 
ty, their guns did not go off quick, so that our men 
had all time to fall down before their guns went off, 
and saved themselves from that volley, except one 
man, who was killed. 

This sudden firing upon our Indian soldiers, sur- 
prised them [so,] that they left their arms, but soon 
recovered them again, and got down the bank, 
which was but low. The Major, with all the forces 
on board landed as fast as they could, the enemy 
firing smartly at them ; however all got safe ashore. 
The enemy had a great advantage of our forces, 
who were between the sun's rising and the enemy, 
so that if a man put up his head or hand they could 
see it, and would fire at it. However, some, with 
the Major, got up the bank, behind stumps and 
rocks, to have the advantage of firing at the enemy 
But when the sun was risen, the Major slipped 

1 [who] 
I 



194 FRENCH AND INDIAN AVARS. 

down the bank again, where all the forces were or- 
dered to observe his motion, viz., that he would 
give three shouts, and then all of them should run 
with him up the bank. 

So, when he had given the third shout, [he] ran 
up the bank, and Captain Converse with him, but 
when the said Converse perceived that the forces did 
not follow, as commanded, called to the Major, and 
told him [that] the forces did not follow. [He,] 1 
notwithstanding the enemy fired smartly at him, got 
safe down the bank again ; and rallying the forces up 
the bank, soon put the enemy to flight. And fol- 
lowing them so close, that they took thirteen canoes, 
and one lusty man, who had Joseph Ramsdel's scalp 
by his side. [He] 2 was taken by two of our Indians, 
and having his deserts, was himself scalped. 

This being a short and smart fight, some of our 
men were killed and several wounded. Sometime 
after, an Englishman, who was prisoner amongst them, 
gave an account, that our forces had killed and 
wounded several of the enemy, for they killed seve- 
ral prisoners according to custom,* &c. 

After this action was over, our forces embarked 
for Piscataqua. The Major went to Wells, and re- 
moved the Captain there, and put in Captain Andros, 
who had been with him ; and knew the discourse left 
with the two old squaws at Amerascogen, for Hakins 
and Worumbos to come there in fourteen days, if 
they had a mind to hear of their wives and children ; 
who did then, or soon after come with a flag of truce 
to said Wells garrison, and had leave to come in, and 
more appearing came in, to the number of eight, 
''without any terms) being all chief Sachems. [They] 3 
were very glad to hear of the women and children, 
viz., Hakins and Worumbos' wives and children 
[They] 4 all said three several times that they would 
l [who] 2 [ w ho] 3 [and] 4 [who] 

* It was said to be a custom among most of the Indian na- 
tions, to kill as many prisoners as they lost in battle. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 195 

never fight against the English any more, for the 
French made fools of them, &c. They saying as they 
did, the said Andros let them go. 

Major Church being come to Piscataqua, and two 
of his transports having the small pox on board, and 
several of his men having got great colds by theii 
hard service, pretended [that] they were going to 
have the small pox; thinking by that means to be 
sent home speedily. The Major being willing to try 
them, went to the gentlemen there, and desired them 
to provide a house ; for some of his men expected 
[that] they should have the small pox ; which [they] 
readily did, and told him, that the people belonging 
to it were just recovered of the small pox, and had 
been all at meeting, &c. 

The Major returning to his officers, ordered them 
to draw out all their men that were going to have the 
small pox, for he had provided an hospital for them. 
So they drew out seventeen men, that had as they 
said all the symptoms of the small pox. He ordered 
them all to follow him, and coming to the house, he 
asked them how they liked it 1 ? They said, "Very 
well." Then he told them that the people in the 
said house, had all had the small pox, and were re- 
covered ; and that if they went in, they must not 
come out till they [had] all had it. Whereupon 
they all presently began to grow better, and to make 
excuses, except one man who desired to stay out till 
night before he went in, &c. 

The Major going to the gentlemen, told them, that 
one thing more would work a perfect cure upon his 
men, which was to let them go home; which did 
work a cure upon all, except one, and he had not the 
small pox. So he ordered the plunder to be divided 
forthwith, and sent away all the Plymouth forces. 
1 But the gentlemen there desired him to stay, and 
they would be assisting to him in raising new forces, 
to the number of what was sent away; and that they 
would send to Boston for provisions, which trey did 



196 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

and seta Captain Plaisted* to the Governour and 
council at Boston, &c. 

And in the mean time, the Major with those gen- 
tlemen went into all those parts, and raised a suffi- 
cient number of men, both officers and soldiers. 
[They] 1 all met at the bankf on the same day that 
Captain Plaisted returned from Boston. [The] 2 re- 
turn from the Boston gentlemen was, that the Canada 
expedition had drained them so that they could do 
no more. So that Major Church, notwithstanding 
he had been at considerable expenses in raising said 
forces to serve his King and country, was obliged to 
give them a treat and dismiss them. Taking his 
leave of them, [he] came home to Boston in the 
Mary sloop, Mr. Aldenf master, and Captain Con- ^ 
verse with him, on a Saturday. And waiting upon 
the Governour, and some of the gentlemen in Boston, 
they looked very strange upon them, which not only 
troubled them, but put them in some consternation ; 
[wondering] what the matter should be, that after so 
much toil and hard service, [they] could not have 
1 [who] 2 [whose] 

* The name of Plaisted is found in the earlier and later 
wars as well as in this. A letter from Roger Plaisted to 
Maj. Waldron, who was killed at Salmon fal's, 1675, show- 
ing his desperate situation, is printed in Hubbard, 281. 
Whether this was a son or not is not known to me, but from 
the author just cited should conclude that it was not. Per- 
haps he was a near connexion. In 1712, a Mr. Plaisted was 
taken at Wells, and ransomed for 300 pounds. 

t By the bank I suppose is meant, that part of the town of 
Portsmouth, including Church hill, formerly called Straw- 
berry bank, and was a general appellation for the town. 

J The same mentioned further on, as old Mr. Alden, and 
Capt. Alden. He lived at Boston, and was one of the accus- 
ed in the celebrated witch age, and was committed to prison 
by Hawthorn and Gidney, 31 May, 1692, where he remained 
15 weeks ; at the end of which time he made his escape. He 
afterwards returned, and none appearing against him, was 
cleared. See Calef's "More Wonders of the Invisible 
World," 2 10 to 214. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 197 

so much as one pleasant word, nor any money in their 
pockets ; for Major Church had but eight pence left, 
and Captain Converse none, as he said afterwards. 

Major Church seeing two gentlemen, which he 
knew had money, asked them to lend him forty shil- 
lings, telling them his necessity, yet they refused. 
So being bare of money, was obliged to lodge at 
Mr. Alden's three nights. The next Tuesday morn- 
ing Captain Converse came to him, (not knowing 
each others circumstances as yet) and said, [that] he 
would walk with him out of town. So coming near 
Pollard's at the south end, they had some discourse. 
[Observed,] that it was very hard that they should 
part with dry lips. Major Chr.rch told Captain Con- 
verse that he had but eight pence left, and could not 
borrow any money to carry him home, and the said 
Converse said, that he had not a penny left ; so they 
were obliged to part without going to Pollard's, &c. 

The said Captain Converse returned back into 
town, and the said Church went over to Roxbury ; 
and at the tavern he met with Stephen Braton of 
Rhodeisland, a drover, who was glad to see him, (the 
said Church) and he as glad to see his neighboui. 
Whereupon Major Church called for an eight penny 
tankard of drink, and let the said Braton know his 
circumstances, [and] asked him whether he would 
lend him forty shillings 9 He answered, " Yes, forty 
pounds if he wanted it." So he thanked him, and 
said [that] he would have but forty shillings, which 
he freely lent him. 

Presently after Mr. Church was told that his bro- 
ther, Caleb Church of Watertown, was coming with 
a spare horse for him, (having heard the night before 
that his brother was come in.) By which means the 
said Major Church got home. And for all his travel 
and expenses in raising soldiers, and service done, 
never had but fourteen pounds of Plymouth gentle- 
men, and not a penny of Boston ; notwithstanding he 
had worn out all [of] his clothes, and run himself in 



198 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

debt, so that he was obliged to sell half a share of 
land in Tiverton, for about sixty pounds, which is 
now* worth three hundred pounds more and above 
what he had. 

Having not been at home long before he found out 
the reason why Boston gentlemen looked so disaf- 
fected on him. As you may see by the sequel of two 
letters, [which] Major Church sent to the gentlemen 
in the eastward parts, which are as followeth. 

"Bristol, November 27, 1690. 
Worthy Gentlemen, 

According to my promise when with you last, I 
waited upon the Governour at Boston on Saturday, 
Captain Converse being with me. The Governour 
informed us that the council were to meet on the 
Monday following in the afternoon, at which time we 
both there waited upon them, and gave them an ac- 
count of the state of your country, and great neces- 
sities. They informed us, that their general court 
was to convene the Wednesday following, at which 
time they would debate and consider of the matter. 
Myself being bound home, Captain Converse was 
ordered to wait upon them, and bring you their re- 
solves. I then took notice of the Gouncil that they] 
looked upon me with an ill aspect, not judging me 
worthy to receive thanks for the service I had done 
in your parts; nor as much as asked me whether T 
wanted money to bear my expenses, or a horse to 
carry me home. But I was forced, for want of 
money, being far from friends, to go to Roxbury on 
foot ; but meeting there with a Rhodeisland gentle- 
man, acquainted him of my wants, who tendered me 
ten pounds, whereby I was accommodated for my 
journey home. And being come home, I went to 

* About 1716. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 199 

the minister of our town,* and gave him an account 
of the transactions of the great affairs I had oeen em- 
ployed in, and the great favour God was pleased to 
show me, and my company, and the benefit I hoped 
would accrue to yourselves ; and desired him to re- 
turn publick thanks ; but at the same interim of time 
a paper was presented unto him from a court of Ply- 
mouth, which was holden before I came home, to 
command a day of humiliation through the whole 
government, " because of the frown of God upon 
those forces sent under my command, and the ill suc- 
cess we had, for want of good conduct." All which 
was caused by those false reports which were posted 
home by those ill affected officers that were under 
my conduct ; especially one, which yourselves very 
well know, who had the advantage of being at home 
a week before me, being sick of action, and wanting 
the advantage to be at the bank, which he was every- 
day mindful of more than fighting the enemy in their 
own country. 

" After I came home, being informed of a general 
court at Plymouth, and not forgetting my faithful 
promise to you, and the duty I lay under, I went 
thither. Where waiting upon them I gave them 
an account of my Eastward transactions, and made 
them sensible of the falseness of those reports that 
were posted to them by ill hands, and found some 
small favourable acceptance with them ; so far that 
T was credited. I presented your thanks to them 
for their seasonably sending those forces to relieve 
you, of the expense and charge they had been at ; 
which thanks they gratefully received ; and said a 
few lines from yourselves would have been well ac- 
cepted. I then gave them an account of your great 
necessities, by being imprisoned in your garrisons, 
and the great mischief that would attend the pub- 

• Bristol. The Rev. Samuel Lee, I suspect, was then the 
minister, as he did not leave America until sometime the next 
year. See note 4, page xii. 



200 FRENCH AND IINDIAN WARS. 

lick concerns of this country by the loss of their 
Majesties' interest, and so much good estate of your's 
and your neighbours, as doubtless would be, on 
the deserting of your town. I then moved for a 
free contribution for your relief, which . Hey with 
great forwardness promoted ; and then ordered a 
day of thanksgiving through the government upon 
the twentysixth day of this instant. Upon which 
day a collection was ordered for your relief, and the 
places near adjacent, in every respective town in 
this government ; and for the good management of 
it that it might be safely conveyed unto your hands, 
they appointed a man in each county for the receipt 
and conveyance thereof. The persons nominated 
and accepted thereof, are, for the county of Ply- 
mouth, Captain Nathaniel Thomas, of Marslifield ; 
for the county of Barnstable, Captain Joseph Lathrop, 
of Barnstable ; and for the county of Bristol, myself. 
Which when gathered, you will have a particular 
account from each person, with orders of advice 
how it may be disposed of for your best advantage, 
with a copy of the court's order.* The gentlemen 
[that] the effects are to be sent to, are yourselves 
that I now write to, viz., John Wheelwright, Esq., 
Captain John Littlefield, and Lieutenant Joseph 
Story. I deferred writing, expecting every day to 
hear from you concerning the Indians, coming to 
treat about their prisoners that we had taken. The 
discourse I made with them at Ameresscogen, I 
knew would have that effect as to bring them to a 
treaty, which I would have thought myself happy to 
have been improved in, knowing that it would have 
made much for your good. But no intelligence 
coming to me from any gentleman in your parts, 

* The people of Connecticut were forward, also, in con- 
tributing to those distressed inhabitants. A contribution 
*vas ordered by the general court throughout the colony, and 
the clergy were directed to exhort the people to liberal con- 
tributions for these charitable purposes. Hist. Con. I, 387 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 201 

and hearing nothing but by accident, and that in 
the latter end of the week by some of ours coming 
from Boston, informed me that the Indians had come 
into your town to seek for peace ; and that there 
was to be a treaty speedily ; but the time they knew 
not. I took my horse, and upon the Monday set 
out for Boston, expecting the treaty had been at 
your town, as rationally it should ; but on Tuesday 
night coming to Boston, I there met with Captain 
Elisha Andros, who informed me that the place of 
treaty was Sacatyhock,* and that Captain Alden 
was gone from Boston four days before I came 
there, and had carried all the Indian prisoners with 
him ; and that all the forces were drawn away out 
of your parts, except twelve men in your town, and 
twelve in Piscataqua, which news did so amuse me, 
to see, that wisdom was taken from the wise, and 
such imprudence in their actions as to be deluded 
by Indians. To have a treaty so far from any Eng- 
lish town, and to draw off the forces upon what pre^ 
tence soever, to me looks very ill. My fear is that 
they will deliver those we have taken, which, if 
kept, would have been greatly for your security, in 
keeping them in awe, and preventing them from 
doing any hostile action or mischief. I knowing 
that the English being abroad are very earnest to 
go home, and the Indians are very tedious in their 
discourses ; and by that means will have an advan- 
tage to have their captives at very low rates, to 
your great damage. f Gentlemen, as to Rhodeisland, 

* Sagadahock. On the south side of Kennebeck river, 20 
miles southwest of Pemmaqued. Hubbard. 

t The treaty here alluded to, was agreed upon by those 
sachems that came into " Wells garrison," mentioned on 
page 194, "with a flag of truce." Major Hutchinson and 
Capt. Townsend went from Boston to Wells, as commission- 
ers, and after some time, a conference was agreed upon at 
Sagadahock, 23 November. They met according to ap- 
pointment and a truce only, was obtained, and that till 1 May 
I 



te= 



202 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

I have not concerned myself as to any relief foi 
you, having nothing in writing to show to them ; 
yet, upon discourse with some gentlemen there 
they have signified a great forwardness to promote 
such a thing. I lying under great reflections from 
some of yours in the eastward parts, that I was a 
very covetous person, and came there to enri-ch my- 
self, and that I killed their cattle and barrelled them 
up, a id sent them to Boston, and sold them for 
plund 3r, and made money to put into my own poc- 
ket ; and the owners of them being poor people 
begged for the hides and tallow, with tears in their 
eyes; and that I was so cruel as to deny them! 
which makes me judge myself incapable to serve 
you in that matter ; yet, I do assure you, that the 
people are very charitable at the island, and forward 
in such good actions ; and therefore, I advise you to 
desire some good substantial person to take the ma- 
nagement of it, and write to the government there, 
which I know will not be labour lost. As for what 
1 am accused of, you all can witness to the contra- 
ry, and I should take it very kindly from you to 
do me that just right, as to vindicate my reputation ; 
for the wise man says, " A good name is as precious 
ointment." When I hear of the effects of the trea- 
ty, and have an account of this contribution, I in- 
tend again to write to you, being very desirous, and 
should think myself very happy, to be favoured with 
a few lines from yourself, or any gentleman in the 
eastward parts. Thus leaving you to the protec- 
tion and guidance of the great God of Heaven and 
earth, who is able to protect and supply you in your 
great difficulties, and to give you deliverance in his 
own due time. I remain, gentlemen, your most as- 
sured friend, to serve you to my utmost power. 

BENJAMIN CHURCH." 

However, 1»0 captiv.es were redeemed, and at the end of the 
truce they were to bring the rest to Wells, and make a 
final peace. Magnalia, II, 529. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 203 

" Postscript. Esquire Wheelwright.* Sir, I en- 
treat you, after your perusal of these lines, to com- 
municate the same to Captain John Littlefield,f 
Lieutenant Joseph Story, and to any other gentle- 
men, as in your judgment you see fit ; with the ten- 
der of my respects to you, &,c, and to Major 
Vaughan, and his good lady and family. To Cap- 
tain Fryer, and good Mrs. Fryer, with hearty thanks 
for their kindness whilst in those parts, and good 
entertainment from them. My kind respects to Ma- 
jor Frost, Captain Walton, Lieutenant Honeywel, 
and my very good friend little Lieutenant Plaisted ; 
with due respects to all gentlemen, my friends in the 
eastward parts, as if particularly named. Farewell. 

B. C." 

" To Major Pike. 
Honoured Sir, Bristol, Nov. 27, 1690. 

These come to wait upon you, to bring the ten- 
ders of my hearty service to yourself, and lady, with 
due acknowledgment of thankfulness for all the 
kindness, and favour I received from you in the east- 
ward parts, when with you. ' Since I came from 

* A son> it is presumed, of the Rt r. John Wheelwright, 
of whom so much has been said and written concerning An- 
tinomian principles and land titles. Being contented with 
the history of the father, I have not disturbed the ashes of 
the son. The venerable ancestor held a deed of certain 
lands in Exeter, N. H., from certain Indian Sagamores un- 
der date, 1629, the " authenticity" of which, has of late, been 
examined by two able criticks. The late Governour Plumer 
of N. H., first endeavoured to vindicate its genuineness, and 
James Savage of Boston, seems to have proved the contrary. 
The deed maybe seen in I Belknap, App. No. I. Govern- 
our Plumer's argument in N. H. Hist. Soc. Col. 299. And 
that of Mr. Savage in his edition of Winthrop's Journal, I, 
412. 

t A Lieut. Littlefield is named by Penhallow, 71, as being 
slain in 17 1 2, at Wells. It might be Le. 



204 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

those parts, I am informed by Captain Andros, that 
yourself and most all the forces, are drawn off from 
the eastward parts. I admire at it, considering that 
they had so low esteem of what was done, that they 
can apprehend the eastward parts so safe before the 
enemy were brought into better subjection. I was 
in hopes, when I came from thence, that those who 
were so desirous to have my room, would have been 
very brisk in my absence, to have got themselves 
some honour, which they very much gaped after, or 
else they would not have spread so many false re- 
ports to defame me ; which had I known before I 
left the bank* I would have had satisfaction of them. 
Your honour was pleased to give me some small 
account, before I left the bank, of some things that 
were ill represented to you, concerning the eastward 
expedition, which being rolled home like a snowball 
through both colonies, was got to such a bigness, 
that it overshadowed one from the influence of all 
comfort, or good acceptance amongst my friends in 
my journey homeward. But through God's good- 
ness [I] am come home, finding all well, and myself 
in good health ; hoping, that those reports will do 
me the favour, to quit me from all other publick ac- 
tions ; that so I may the more peaceably, and quiet- 
ly, wait upon God, and be a comfort to my own 
family, in this dark time of trouble ; being as one 
hid, till his indignation is overpast. I shall take it 
as a great favour, to hear of your welfare. Sub- 
scribing myself as I am, sir, 

Your most assured friend and servant, 

BENJAMIN CHURCH." 

Major Church did receive, after this, answers to 
his letters, but hath lost them, except it be a letter 
from several of the gentlemen in those parts, in 
June following, which is as followeth. 

* Portsmouth. See page 196, note 2. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 205 

" Portsmouth, June 29, 1691. 
Major Benj. Church, 

Sir, your former readiness to expose yourself in 
the service of the country, against the common ene- 
my, and particularly the late obligations, you have 
laid upon us, in these eastern parts, leave us under 
a deep and grateful sense of your favour therein. 
And forasmuch as you were pleased when last here, 
to signify your ready inclination to further service 
of this kind, if occasion should call for it. We 
therefore presume, confidently to promise ourselves 
compliance accordingly; and have sent this mes- 
sage on purpose to you, to let you know, that not- 
withstanding the late overture of peace, the enemy 
have approved themselves as perfidious as ever, and 
are almost daily killing and destroying upon all our 
frontiers. The Governour and council of the Mas- 
sachusetts have been pleased to order the raising of 
one hundred and fifty men, to be forthwith despatch- 
ed into those parts ; and, as we understand, have 
written to your Governour and council of Plymouth 
for further assistance, which we pray you to promote, 
hoping if you can obtain about two hundred men, Eng- 
lish and Indians, to visit them at some of their head 
quarters, up Kennebeck river, or elsewhere, which 
for want of necessaries was omitted last year ; it 
may be of great advantage to us. We offer nothing 
of advice, as to what methods are most proper to be 
taken in this affair. Your acquaintance with our 
circumstances as well as the enemy's, will direct 
you therein. We leave the conduct thereof to your 
own discretion. But that the want of provision, &c> 
may be no remora to your motion, you may please 
to know Mr. Geafford, one of our principal inhabi- 
tants, now residing in Boston, hath promised to take 
care to supply to the value of two or three hundred 
'pounds, if occasion require. We pray a few lines 
by the bearer, to give us a prospect of what we 



206 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

may expect for our further encouragement, and re« 
main, 

Sir, your obliged friends and servants, 

William Vaughan, 
Richard Martyn, 
Nathaniel Fryer, 
William Fernald, 
Francis Hooke, 
Charles Frost, 
John Wincol, 
Robert Elliott." 
(A true copy of the original letter ; which letter 

was presented to me by Captain Hatch, -who came 

express.) 

Major Church sent them his answer, the contents 
whereof was, that he had gone often enough for 
nothing, and especially to be ill treated with scan- 
dals and false reports, when last out, which he could 
not forget. And signified to them, that doubtless 
some amongst them, thought they could do without 
him, &c. And to make short of it, [they] did go 
out, and meeting with the enemy at Maquait, were 
most shamefully beaten, as I have been inform- 
ed.* 

* I will lay before the reader an account of the affair hint- 
ed at, as I find it in Mather, and will only observe, that, that 
author is enough inclined to favour the side of the English. 
"About the latter end of July [1691] we sent out a small army 
under the command of Capt. March, Capt. King, Capt. Sher- 
burn, and Capt. Walten, who landing at Maquoit, marched 
up to Pechypscot, but not finding any signs of the enemy, 
marched down again. While the commanders were waiting 
ashore till the soldiers were got aboard, such great numbers 
of Indians poured in upon them, that though the commanders 
wanted not for courage or conduct, yet they found them- 
selves obliged, with much ado, (and not without the death 
of worthy Capt. Sherburn) to retire into the vessels which 
then lay aground. Here they kept pelting at one another 
all night ; but unto little other purpose than this, which was 
indeed remarkable, that the enemy was at this time going tc 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 207 



THE THIRD EXPEDITION EAST. 

This was in the year 1692. In the time of Sir 
William Phips'* government, Major Walley being 
at Boston, was requested by his excellency to treat 
with Major Church about going east with him. Ma- 
jor Walley coming home, did as desired ; and to en- 
courage the said Major Church, told him, that now 

take the isle of Shoals, and no doubt had they gone they 
would have taken it, but having exhausted all their ammu- 
nition on this occasion, they desisted from what they design- 
ed." Magnalia, II, 530. 

* Governour Phips " was a Newengland man," born at 
Pemmaquid, in 1650-1 ; being, as we are told, a younger son 
among twenty six children, of whom twentyone were sons. 
By profession he was a ship carpenter. That business he 
soon left ; and being an industrious and persevering man, 
and applying himself to study, soon acquired an education 
competent for the discharge of common affairs, and then 
went to sea. On hearing of a Spanish ship's being wrecked 
near the Bahamas, proceeded to England, and gave so flat- 
tering an account of its value, and the practicability of ob- 
taining it, that he was despatched in one of the King's ships 
in search of it ; but returned without success. Yet he be- 
lieved the treasure might be obtained ; and soon after, the 
Duke of Albemarl sent him with two ships on the same busi- 
ness. After much excessive toil, and nearly on the point of 
abandoning the object, the treasure was discovered, and he 
succeeded in bringing from the wreck three hundred thou- 
sand pounds. But after deducting the Duke's share and the 
utfits, and his own great generosity to his men, he had left 
nly sixteen thousand. He now had conferred on him the 
jrder of knighthood. In 1690 he commanded an expedition 
against Quebeck,but from unavoidable obstacles did not ar- 
^ rive until too late in the season, and was obliged to abandon 
the expedition. See note 1, on page 177, where some parti- 
culars are given. The King now for the first time compli- 
mented the Newengland agents with the nomination of their 
Governour, and they nominated Sir William Phips, and ha 
arrived at Boston, 14 May, 1692, invested with the proper 
authority. In 1694, he was sent for to answer some com- 
plaints in England, but fell sick before he had his trial and 
died, 18 Feb. 1695. All represent him as a strictly honest 
man, and a real friend to his country. Mather, Holmea. 



203 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

was the time to have recompense for his former 
great expenses; saying also, that the country 
could not give him less than two or three hundred 
pounds. 

So upon his excellency's request, Major Church 
went down to Boston, and waited upon him, who 
said he was glad to see him, &c. After some dis- 
course [he] told the said Church, that he was going 
east, himself, and that he should be his second, and 
in his absence, command all the forces. And be- 
ing requested by his excellency to raise what volun- 
teers he could of his old soldiers in the county of 
Bristol, both English and Indians, received his com- 
mission, which is as followeth. 

" Sir William Phips, Knight, Captain General and 
Governour in Chief, in and over his Majesty's 
province of the Massachusetts bay, in JVeweng- 
land, 

To Benjamin Church, Gent., Greeting. 
Reposing special trust and confidence in your 
loyalty, courage and good conduct ; I do by thesu 
presents constitute and appoint you to be Major of 
the several companies of militia, detached for their 
Majesties' service against their French and Indian 
enemies. You are therefore authorized and requir- 
ed in their Majesties' names, to discharge the duty 
of a Major by leading, ordering and exercising the 
said several companies in arms, both inferiour offi- 
cers and soldiers, keeping them in good order and ; 
discipline, commanding them to obey you as their 
Major. And diligently to intend the said service, 
for the prosecuting, pursuing, killing and destroying 
of the said common enemy. And yourself to ob- 
serve and follow such orders and directions as you 
shall from time to time receive from myself, accord- 
ing to the rules and discipline of war, pursuant to 
the trust reposed in you for their Majesties' service. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 209 

Given under my hand and seal at Boston, the twen- 
ty fifth day of July, 1692. In the fourth year of the 
reign of our sovereign Lord and Lady, William and 
Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen of 
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of 
the faith, &c. 

WILLIAM PHIPS. 
By his Excellency's command. 

Isaac Addington, Seer." 

Returning home to the county aforesaid, he soon 
raised a sufficient number of volunteers, both English 
and Indians, and officers suitable to command them, 
marched them down to Boston. But there was one 
thing I would just mention, which was, that Major 
Church, being short of money, was forced to borrow 
six pounds in money of Lieutenant Woodman, in 
Littlecompton, to distribute by a shilling, and a bit* 
at a time, to the Indian soldiers, who, without such 
allurements, would not have marched to Boston. 
This money Major Church put into the hands of Mr. 
"William Fobes, who was going out [as] their com- 
missary in that service. 

[He] 1 was ordered to keep a just account of what 
each Indian had, so that it might be deducted out of 
their wages at their return home. Coming to Boston, 
his excellency having got things in readiness, they 
embarked on board their transports, his excellency 
going in person with them ; being bound to Pema- 
quid.f But in their way stopped at Casco, andburi- 
i [who] 

* Six pence. 

t This word is better written Pemmaquid as it was former- 
ly pronounced, and now generally. This place is celebrat- 
ed as the birth place of Sir William Phips. Several places 
are known by this name, but are all in the same vicinity, and 
on the east side of Kennebeck river, and about 20 miles from 
its moatfo. Hubbard. 

14 



210 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

ed the bones* of the dead people there, and took off 
the great guns that were there, then went to Pema< 
quid. 

Coming there his excellency asked Major Church 
to go ashore and give his judgment about erecting a 
fortf there 9 He answered, that his genius did not 
incline that way, he never had any value for them, 
being only nests for destructions. His excellency 
said, [that] he had a special order from their Ma- 
jesties, King William and Queen Mary, to erect a 
fort there, &c. Then they went ashore and spent 
some time in the projection thereof. Then his ex- 
cellency told Major Church that he might take all 
the forces with him, (except one company to stay 
with him and work about the fort.) The Major 
answered, that if his excellency pleased, he might 
keep two companies with him, and [that] he would 
go with the rest J to Penobscot, and places adjacent. 
Which his excellency did, and gave Major Church 
his orders, which are as followeth. 

" By his excellency, Sir WILLIAM PHIPS, Knight, 
Captain General and Governour in Chief, in and 
over their Majesties' province of the Massachusetts 
bay, in Newengland, fyc. 

Instructions for Major Benjamin Church. 

Whereas you are Major, and so chief officer of a 
body of men, detached out of the militia, appointed 
for an expedition against the French and Indian ene- 

* See page 175, and note S, where an account of the des- 
truction of Casco is related. 

t This fort was called the William Henry, and was the 
best then in these parts of America. It was built of stone of 
a quadrangular figure, and about 737 feet in compass, mount- 
ing 14 (if not 18) guns. Whereof 6 were 18 pounders. 
About 60 men were left to man the fort. Mather, Magnaliai 
II, 536, 537. 

{ Their who e force was 450 men. lb. 



*=£ 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 211 

my ; you are duly to observe the following instruc- 
tions. 

Imprimis. You are to take care that the worship 
of God be duly and constantly maintained and kept 
up amongst you ; and to suffer no swearing, cursing, 
or other profanation of the holy name of God ; and, 
as much as in you lies, to deter and hinder all other 
vices amongst your soldiers. 

Secondly. You are to proceed, with the soldiers 
under your command to Penobscot, and, with what 
privacy, and what undiscoverable methods you can, 
there to land your men, and take the best measures 
to surprise the enemy. 

Thirdly. You are, by killing, destroying, and all 
other means possible, to endeavour the destruction 
of the enemy, in pursuance whereof, being satisfied 
of your courage and conduct, I leave the same to 
your discretion. 

Fourthly. You are to endeavour the taking what 
captives you can, either men, women or children, and 
the same safely to keep and convey them unto me. 

Fifthly. Since it is not possible to judge how af- 
fairs may be circumstanced with you there, I shall 
therefore not limit your return, but leave it to your 
prudence, only that you make no longer stay than 
you can improve for advantage against the enemy, or 
may reasonably hope for the same. 

Sixthly. You are also to take care and be very 
industrious by all possible means to find out and de- 
stroy all the enemy's corn, and other provisions in all 
places where you can come at the same. 

Seventhly. You are to return from Penobscot and 

those eastern parts, to make all despatch hence for 

Kennebeck river and the places adjacent, and there 

prosecute all advantages against the enemy as afore- 

^ said. 

Eighthly. If any soldier, officer, or other shall 
be disobedient to you as their commander in chief, 
or other their superiour officer, or make, or causa 



212 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

any mutiny, commit other offence or disorders, you 
shall call a council of war amongst your officers, and 
having tried him or them so offending, inflict such 
punishment as the merit of the offence requires, death 
only excepted, which if any shall deserve, you are 
to secure the person, and signify the crime unto me 
by the first opportunity. 

Given under my hand this 11th day of August, 
1692. 

WILLIAM PHIPS." 

Then the Major and his forces embarked and made 
the best of their way to Penobscot. And coming to 
an island in those parts in the evening, landed his 
forces at one end of the island. Then the Major 
took part of his forces and moved (toward day) to 
the other end of the said island, where they found 
two Frenchmen and their families, in their houses ; 
and, that one or both of them had Indian women to 
their wives, and had children by them. The Major 
presently examining the Frenchmen, [demanded] 
where the Indians were !■ They told him, that there 
was a great company of them upon an island just 
by. And showing him the island, [he] presently 
discovered several of them. 

Major Church and his forces still keeping undis- 
covered to them, asked the Frenchmen where their 
passing place was 9 Which they readily showed them. 
So presently they placed an ambuscade to take any 
that should come over. Then sent orders for all the 
rest of the forces to come ; sending them an account 
of what he had seen and met withal ; strictly charg- 
ing them to keep themselves undiscovered by the 
enemy. The ambuscade did not lie long before an 
Indian man and woman came over in a canoe, to the 
place for landing, where the ambuscade was laid. 
[They] 1 hauled up their canoe, and came right into 
the hands of our ambuscade, who so suddenly surprb- 
i[who] 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 213 

ed them that they could not give any notice to the 
others from whence they came. The Major ordering 
that none of his should offer to meddle with the 
canoe, lest they should be discovered. Hoping to 
take the most of them, if his forces came as ordered, 
(he expecting them to come as directed.) But the 
first news [that] he had of them, was, that they were 
all coming, [and] 1 not privately as ordered, but the 
vessels fair in sight of the enemy, which soon put 
them all to flight. And our forces not having boats 
suitable to pursue them, they got all away in their 
canoes, &c. [This] 2 caused Major Church to say, 
[that] he would never go out again without [a] 
sufficient number of whale boats, [the] 3 want of which 
was the ruin of that action. * 

Then Major Church, according to his instructions, 
ranged all those parts, to find all their corn, and 
carried aboard their vessels what he thought conve- 
nient, and destroyed the rest. Also finding conside- 
rable quantities of plunder, viz., beaver, moose 
skins, &c. 

Having done what service they could in those 
parts, he returned back to his excellency at Peme- 
quid. Where being come, staid not long, (they be- 
ing short of bread) his excellency intended [going] 
home for Boston for more provisions. [In the way] 4 
going with Major Church and his forces to Kenne- 
beck river ; and coming there gave him further or- 
ders, which are as followeth. 

" By his Excellency the Governour, 
To Major Benjamin Church. 
You having already received former instructions, 
are now further to proceed with the soldiers under 
l [though] 2 [which] 3 [f or ] 4 [but before] 

* Mather, II, 537, says that five prisoners were taken at 
this time. 



'214 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

your command for Kennebeck river, and the places 
adjacent, and use your utmost endeavours to kill, 
destroy and take captive the French and Indian ene- 
my wheresoever you shall find any of them ; and at 
your return to Pemequid (which you are to do as 
soon as you can conveniently ; after your best en- 
deavour done against the enemy, and having des- 
troyed their corn and other provisions) you are to 
stay with all your soldiers and officers, and set them 
to work on the fort, and make what despatch you can 
in that business, staying there until my further order. 

WILLIAM PHIPS." 

Then his excellency taking leave went for Boston, 
and soon after, Major Church and his forces had a 
smart fight with the enemy in Kennebeck river ; pur- 
sued them so hard that they left their canoes, and 
ran up into the woods. [They] still pursued them 
up to their fort at Taconock,* which the enemy 
perceiving, set fire to their houses in the fort, and 
ran away by the light of them ; and when Major 
Church came to the said fort, [he] found about half 
their houses standing, and the rest burnt ; also found 
great quantities of corn, put up into Indian cribs, 
which he and his forces destroyed, as ordered. 

Having done what service he could in those parts, 
returned to Pemequid. And coming there, employ- 
ed his forces according to his instructions. Being 
out of bread [and] his excellency not coming, Ma- 
jor Church was obliged to borrow bread of the Cap- 
tain of the man of war, that was then there, for all 
the forces under his command ; his excellency not 
coming as expected. But at length his excellency 
came, and brought very little bread, more than 

* This fort was about 64 miles from the sea. Taconock, 
or as Sullivan has it, Taconnet is a great fall of water in the 
Kennebeck. At this place, by order of Gov. Shirley, a fort 
was built on the east bank of the river (in 1754) and called 
fort Halifax. Minot's Hist. I, 186 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 215 

would pay what was borrowed of the man of war , 
so that in a short time after Major Church, with his 
forces, returned home to Boston, and had their war 
ges for their good service done. 

Only one thing, by the way, I will just mention ; 
that is, about the six pounds [which] Major Church 
borrowed as beforementioned, and put into the 
hands of Mr. Fobes, who distributed, the said money, 
all but thirty shillings, to the Indian soldiers, as di- 
rected, which was deducted out of their wages, and 
the country had credit for the same. And the said 
Fobes kept the thirty shillings to himself, which 
was deducted out of his wages. Whereupon Major 
Walley and [the] said Fobes had some words. In 
short Major Church was obliged to expend about 
six pounds of his own money in marching down the 
forces both English and Indians, to Boston, having 
no drink allowed them upon the road, &c So, 
that instead of Major Church's having the allowances 
aforementioned by Major Walley, he was out of 
pocket about twelve pounds over and above what he 
had ; all which had not been, had not his excellency 
been gone out of the country. 



THE FOURTH EXPEDITION EAST. 

In 1G96, Major Church being at Boston, and be- 
longing to the house of representatives, several gen- 
tlemen requesting him to go east again, and the 
general court having made acts of encouragement, 
&c. He told them, [that] if they would provide 
whale boats, and other necessaries convenient, he 
would. Being also requested by the said general 
court, he proceeded to raise volunteers ; and made 
it his whole business, riding both east and west in 
our province and Connecticut, at great charge and 
expenses. And in about a month's time, raised a 



216 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

sufficient number out of those parts, and marched 
them down to Boston. Where he had the promise 
that every thing should be ready in three weeks, 
or a month's time ; but was obliged to stay conside- 
rably longer. Being now at Boston, he received his 
commission and instructions, which are as followeth. 

"WILLIAM STOUGHTON,* Esquire, Lieutenant 
Governour, and Commander in Chief, in and over 
his Majesty' ] s province of Massachusetts bay, in 
JVewengland, 

To Major Benjamin Church, Greeting. 
Whereas there are several companies raised, 
consisting of Englishmen and Indians, for his Majes- 
ty's service, to go forth upon the encouragement 
given by the great and general court, or assembly 
of this his Majesty's province, convened at Boston, 
the 27th day of May, 1696, to prosecute the French 
and Indian enemy, &c. And you having offered 
yourself to take the command and conduct of the 
said several companies. By virtue, therefore, of the 
power and authority in and by his Majesty's rOyal 
commission to me granted, reposing special trust 
and confidence in your loyalty, prudence, courage 

* Mr. Stoughton was the son of Israel Stoughton of Dor- 
chester, at which place he was born in 1632. He graduated 
at Harvard college, 1650, and engaging in the study of divin- 
ity, is said to have made an excellent preacher, but was 
never settled. Is also said to have possessed good talents 
and great learning. It may be allowed that he had a great 
deal of some kind of learning, and yet, destitute of much 
solid understanding or science. This no one will doubt, 
when informed that he was one of the principal judges, who 
sat and condemned so many unfortunate persons for the 
imaginary crime of witchcraft, in the witch age of Salem ; 
and to add to his misfortunes, Dr. Eliot says, that " he was 
more obstinate in his errour than others on the bench." 
When Phips left the government, he was the commander in 
chief. In 1700 he was again in the office. He died in 1702, 
At his expense was the college called Stoughton hall built 
N. E. Biog. 444, 5 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 217 

and good conduct. I do by these presents consti- 
tute and appoint you to be Major of the said several 
companies, both Englishmen and Indians, raised for 
his Majesty's service upon the encouragement afore- 
said. You are therefore carefully and diligently to 
perform the duty of your place, by leading, ordering, 
and exercising the said several companies in arms, 
both inferiour officers and soldiers, keeping them in 
good order and discipline, commanding them to 
obey you as their Major. And yourself diligently 
to intend his Majesty's service for the prosecuting, 
pursuing, taking, killing or destroying the said ene- 
my by sea or land ; and to observe all such orders 
and instructions as you shall from time to time re- 
ceive from myself, or commander in chief for the 
time being, according to the rules and discipline of 
war, pursuant to the trust reposed in you. Given 
under my hand and seal at arms, at Boston, the 
third day of August, 1696, in the eighth year of the 
reign of our sovereign Lord William the III, by 
the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, 
and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c. 

WILLIAM STOUGHTON 
By command of the Lieut. Governour, &c. 

Isaac Addington, Seer." 

"Province of Massachusetts bay. By the Right 
Honourable the Lieutenant Governour and Com- 
mander in Chief. 

Instructions for Major Benjamin Church, Com- 
mander of the forces raised for his Majesty's ser- 
vice, against the French and Indian enemy and 
rebels. 

Pursuant to the commission given you, you are 
to embark the forces now furnished and equipped 
for his Majesty's service on the present expedition 
to the eastern parts of this province, and with them, 
and such others as shall offer .>2msclves to go forth 
K 



218 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

on the said service, to sail unto Piscataqua, to join 
those lately despatched thither for the same expedi- 
tion, to await your coming. And with all care and 
diligence to improve the vessels, boats and men un- 
der your command in search for, prosecution and 
pursuit of, the said enemy at such places where you 
may be informed of their abode or resort, or where 
you may probably expect to find, or meet with them, 
and take all advantages against them which provi- 
dence shall favour you with. , 

You are not to list or accept any soldiers that are 
already in his Majesty's pay, and posted at any town 
or garrison within this province, without special order 
from myself. 

You are to require and give strict orders that the 
duties of religion be attended on board the several 
vessels, and in the several companies under your com- 
mand, by daily prayers unto God, and reading his 
holy word, and observance of the Lord's day to the 
utmost you can. 

You are to see that your soldiers have their due 
allowance of provisions, and other necessaries, and 
that the sick or wounded be accommodated in the 
best manner your circumstances will admit. And 
that good order and command may be kept up and 
maintained in the several companies, and all disor- 
ders, drunkenness, profane cursing, swearing, disobe- 
dience of officers, mutinies, omissions or neglect of 
duty, be duly punished according to the laws mar- 
tial. And you are to require the Captain or chief 
officer of each company, with the clerk of the same 
to keep an exact journal of all their proceedings 
from time to time. 

In case^ny of the Indian enemy and rebels offer 
to submit themselves, you are to receive them, only 
at discretion ; but if you think fit to improve any of 
them, or any others which you may happen to take 
prisoners, you may encourage them to be faithful by 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 210 

the promise of their lives, which shall be granted 
upon approbation of their fidelity. 

You are carefully to look after the Indians which 
you have out of the prison, so that they may 
not have opportunity to escape but otherwise im- 
prove them to what advantage you can, and return 
them back again to this place. ^ 

Y^u are to advise, as you can have occasion, with 
Captain John Gorham, who accompanies you in this 
expedition, and is to take your command in case of 
your death. A copy of these instructions you are 
to leave with him, and to give me an account from 
time to time of your proceedings. 

WILLIAM STOUGHTON. 

Boston, August 12th, 1696." 

In the time [that] Major Church lay at Boston, the 
news came of Pemequid fort's being taken.* It came 

* Thus the fort which had cost the country an immense sum 
of money, was entirely demolished. This was fort William 
Henry, built in the last expedition. Two men of war were 
sent from Boston, early this year, (1696) to cruise off the river 
St. Johns, for an expected French store ship ; but unhappily, 
the French at Quebeck had despatched two men of war for 
the capture of the above said fort. These fell in with the two 
English vessels, and being more than a match for them, cap- 
tured one, called the Newport, the other, taking advantage 
of a fog, got back to Boston. The French now proceeded to 
attack the fort, being strengthened by the addition of the 
Newport, and Baron Castine with 200 Indians. The French 
were commanded by one Iberville, " a brave and experienced 
officer," and the English fort by one Chubb, without brave- 
ry or experience. On the 14 July, Iberville arrived before 
the fort, and immediately sent in a summons for its surren- 
der. Chubb returned a mere gasconade for an answer. 
Says he, " If the sea were covered with French vessels, and 
the land with Indians, yet I would not give up the fort." 
Some firing then commenced with the small arms, and thus 
closed the first day. The night following Iberville landed 
some cannon and mortars, and by the next day at 3 of the 
clock, had so raised his works as to throw 5 bombs into the 
fort, to the great terror of Chubb and his men. And to add 
to their terror, Castine found means to convey a letter into 



220 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

by a shallop that brought some prisoners to Boston 
who gave an account, also, that there was a French 
ship at Mountdesart* that had taken a ship of ours. 
So the discourse was, that they would send the man 
of war,f with other forces to take the said French 
ship, and retake ours. But in the mean time Major 
Churotk and his forces being ready, embarked, and on 
the fifteenth day of August, set sail for Piscataqua, 
where more men were to join them. (But before 
they left Boston, Major Church discoursed with the 
Captain of the man of war, who promised him, [that] 
if he went to Mountdesart, in pursuit of the French 
ship, that he would call for him and his forces at Pis- 
cataqua, expecting that the French and Indians 
might not be far from the said French ship, so that 
he might have an opportunity to fight them while he 
was engaged with the French ship.) 

Soon after the forces arrived at Piscataqua, the 
Major sent his Indian soldiers to Colonel Gidney, J at 

the fort, importing, that " if they held out the Indians would 
not be restrained, for he had seen such orders from the King 
to Iberville." Upon this Chubb surrendered and the French 
demolished the fort. Hutchinson, II, 88 to 90. Mather, 
Magnalia, II, 549, says, that the fort contained " 95 men 
double armed which might have defended it against nine 
times as many assailants." Chubb lived at Andover, where 
in February following he was killed by a small party of 
about 30 Indians, who fell upon the place. lb. 554. 

* Desert it should be. A very large island covering the 
area of about 180 square miles, and nearly all the waters of 
the bay of Fundy or Frenchman's bay. It was named Monts 
Deserts by Champlain, in honour, perhaps, of De Monts 
with whom he had formerly sailed. It was once called Mt. 
Mansell by the English, which, Mr Savage (in Winthrop, 

I, 23) thinks was so called in honour of Sir Robert Mansell 
named in the great Charter. 

f There were two men of war now at Boston, which with 
some other vessels were sent in pursuit of the enemy and 
came in sight of them, but effected nothing. Hutchinson, 

II, 91. 

X Bartholomew Gidney, one of the judges of 1692, whose 
name is sufficiently perpetrated in Calefs " More Wonders 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 221 

¥ork, to be assisting for the defence of those places,* 
who gave them a good commend for their ready and 
willing services done ; in scouting and the like. 

Lying at Piscataqua with the rest of our forces 
near a week, waiting for more forces who were to 
join them, to make up their complement.f In all 
which time heard never a word of the man of war. 
On the twentysecond of August, they all embarked 
[from] 1 Piscataqua. And when they came against 
York, the Major went ashore, sending Captain Gor- 
ham;!; with some forces in two brigantines and a sloop, 
to Winterharbour. Ordering him to send out scouts, 
to see if they could make any discovery of the ene- 
my, and to wait there till he came to them. 

Major Church coming to York, Colonel Gidney 
told him, [that] his opinion was, that the enemy was 
drawn off from those parts ; for that the scouts could 
not discover any of them, nor their tracks. So hav- 
ing done his business there, went with what forces he 
had there, to Winterharbour, where he had the same 
account from Captain Gorham, [viz.,] that they had 
not discovered any of the enemy, nor any new tracks. 
So, concluding [that] they were gone from those 
parts towards Penobscot, the Major ordered all the 
vessels to come to -sail, and make the best of their 
i [for] 

of the Invisible World." He was an associate with Haw- 
thorn and Curwin, in executing the laws against witchcraft. 
Small time has been spent for more information of him, and 
as little has been found. 

* The French were expected to make other attempts 
along the coast, which they threatened after their success at 
Pemmaquid. 

f Their whole force, it appears from Hutchinson, II, 91, 
was 500 men. 

J Captain John Gorham s^ms from this time through this 
and the other expeditions to have acted a conspicuous part. 
I have found no other accounts c» him. 



222 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

way to Monhegin,* which being not far from Penob- 
scot, where the main body of our enemy's living was. 
Being in great hopes to come up with the army of 
French and Indians, before they had scattered and 
gone past Penobscot, or Mountdesart, which is the 
chief place of their departure from each other after 
such actions. 

Having a fair wind, made the best of their way, 
and early next morning they got into Monhegin. 
And there lay all day fitting their boats, and other 
necessaries to embark in the night at Mussleneckf 
with their boats. Lying there all day to keep undis- 
covered from the enemy. At night the Major order- 
ed the vessels all to come to sail, and carry the for- 
ces over the bay J near Penobscot. But having little 
wind, he ordered all the soldiers to embark on board 
the boats with eight days provision, and sent the ves- 
sels back to Monhegin, that they might not be dis- 
covered by the enemy ; giving them orders, when 
and where they should come to him. 

The forces .being all ready in their boats, rowing 
very hard, got ashore at a point near Penobscot.§ 
just as the day broke. [They] 1 hid their boats, and 
keeping a good look out by sea, and sent out scouts 
by land, but could not discover, either canoes or In- 
ns. What tracks and fire places they saw were 
judo- d to be seven or eight days before they came. 
As soon as night came, that they might go undis- 
covered, got mto ^eir boats, and, went by Mussle- 
neck, and so am n g s * Penobscot islands, looking very 
harp as they went, *° r fires on the shore, and for 
canoes but found neither. 

i [and] 

* An island on the east side of Kennebeck river, and about 
10 miles from the main, celebrated as the place where Capt 
John Smith landed in 1614 ; here he built some houses, the 
remains of which were to be seen when Judge Sullivan wroU? 
his history. It is spelt Monheagan. 

f A point in Monheagan island. 

J The bay of Penobscot. * Mouth of the river. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 223 

Getting up to Mathebestucks hills, [and] day com- 
ing on, landed and hid their boats ; looking out for 
the enemy, as the day before, but to little purpose. 
Night coming on, to their oars again, working very 
hard ; turned night into day, [which] made several 
of their new soldiers grumble. But telling them 
[that] they hoped to come up quickly with the enemy 
put new life into the'm. By daylight they got into the 
mouth of the river, where landing, found many ren- 
dezvous, and fireplaces, where the Indians had been ; 
but at the same space of time as beforementioned. 
And no canoes passed up the river that day. Their 
pilot, Joseph York,* informed the Major, that fifty 
or sixty miles up that river, at the great falls, the ene- 
my had a great rendezvous, and planted a great 
quantity of corn, when he was a prisoner with them, 
four years ago ; and that he was very well acquaint- 
ed there. This gave great encouragement to have 
had some considerable advantage of the enemy at 
that place. 

So using their utmost endeavours to get up there 
undiscovered. And coming there found no enemy, 
nor corn planted ; they having deserted the place. 
And ranging about the falls on both sides of the river, 
leaving men on the east side of the said river, and 
the boats just below the falls, with a good guard to 
secure them, and to take the enemy if they came 
down the river in their canoes. The west side being 
the place where the enemy lived and best to travel 
on, they resolved to range as privately as they could. 
, A mile or two above the falls, [they] discovered a 
birch canoe coming down with two Indians in it. 
The Major sent word immediately back to those at 
the falls, to lie very close, and let them pass down 
the falls, and to take them alive, that he might have 
intelligence where the enemy were, (which would 

* York probably belonged here, for it appears from Sulli- 
van, 146. that persons of this name were among the early 
proprietors of the Ian Is of Kennebeck. 



224 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

have been a great advantage to them.) But a foolish 
soldier seeing them pass by him, shot at them, con- 
trary to orders given, which prevented them [from] 
going into the ambuscade, that was laid for them. 
Whereupon several more of our men being near, 
shot at them. So that one of them could not stand 
when he got ashore, but crept away into the brush. 
The other stepped out of the canoe with his paddle 
in his hand, and ran about a rod and then threw down 
his paddle, and turned back and took up his gun, 
and so escaped. One of our Indians swam over the 
river, and fetched the canoe, wherein was a consider- 
able quantity of blood on the seats that the Indians 
sat on, [and] the canoe had several holes shot in her. 
They stopped the holes, and then Captain Bracket* 
with an Indian soldier, went over the river, [and] 1 
tracked them by the blood about half a mile, [where 
they] found his gun, took it up and seeing the blood 
no further, concluded that he stopped [it,] 2 and so 
got away. 

In the mean time, another canoe with three men 
were coming down the river, [and being] 3 fired at 
by some of our forces, ran ashore, and left two of 
their guns in the canoe, which were taken ; and al- 
so a letter from a priest to Casteen, [giving] 4 him an 
account of the French and Indians returning over 
the lake to Mountroyal,f and of their little service 
done upon the MaquasJ Indians westward ; only de- 
1 [who] 2 [his blood] 3 [were] 4 [that gave] 

* The same person mentioned at page 166. 

t Montreal. 

$ This was the name givenby the Dutch to the Fivena- 
tions of Indians. See N. Y. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 44. By the 
French they were called Iroquois, between whom their wars 
were almost perpetual. An account of what is hinted at in 
the text may be seen in Smith's Newyork, 147, 149, and N. 
Y. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 67, 68. The expedition was executed 
under count De Frontenac now (1696) Governour of Cana- 
da. He had assembled a great body of his friend Indians 
from different nations, which he joined with two battalions 



FRENCH AND ND IAN WARS. 225 

molishing one fort, and cutting down some corn, 
&c He desiring to hear of the proceedings of De- 
borahuel, and the French man of war. And inform* 
ed him that there were several canoes coming with 
workmen from Quebeck, to St. Johns.* Where 
since, we concluded, it was to build a fort at the 
river's mouth, when the great guns were taken, &c 
It being just night, the officers were called to- 
gether to advise, and their pilot, York, informed 
them of a fort up that river, and that it was built on 
a little island in that river ; and that there was no 
getting to it, but in canoes, or on the ice in the 
winter time. This with the certain knowledge that 
we were discovered by the enemy that escaped out 
of the upper canoe, concluded it not proper, at that 
time, to proceed any further up ; and that there was 
no getting any further with our boats ; and the ene- 
my being alarmed, would certainly fly from them 
(and do as they did four years ago at their fort at 
Taconock. Having fought them in Kennebeck river, 
and pursued them about thirty miles to Taconock, 
they then set their fort on fire, and ran away by the 
light of it, ours not being able to come up with them 
at that place.) 

of regulars. They left Montreal about the first of July, and 
with the greatest difficulty penetrated about 200 miles into 
the wilderness. Nothing was effected by this great army, 
but the burning of a few Indian huts, and torturing a few 
prisoners. One circumstance of the latter, as a striking ex- 
ample of magnanimity, on the one side, and more than sav 
age barbarity on the other, shall be related. On the ap- 
proach of the Count with his army to an Indian town, it was 
deserted by all its inhabitants, except an aged chief, of near 
100 years. He was immediately put to torment. One 
stabbed him with a knife, at which he exclaimed, " You had 
better make me die by fire, that these French dogs may learn 
how to suffer like men," &c. He continued firm until he 
expired under the most excruciating torture that could be 
invented. 

* At the mouth of the river St. Johns, in what is now N. 
Brunswick. 

k 15 



226 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

Major Church then encouraging his soldiers, told 
them, [that] he hoped they should meet with part of 
the enemy in Penobscot bay, or at Mountdesart 
where the French ships were. So, notwithstanding 
they had been rowing several nights before, with 
much toil, besides were short of provisions, they 
cheerfully embarked on board their boats, and went 
down the river both with and against the tide. And 
next morning came to their vessels, where the Major 
had ordered them to meet him, who could give him 
no intelligence of any enemy. Where being come 
they refreshed themselves. Meeting then with ano- 
ther disappointment ; for their pilot, York, not be- 
ing acquainted any further, they began to lament 
the loss of one Robert Cawley, whom they chiefly 
depended on for all the service to be done now 
eastward. He having been taken away from them 
the night before they set sail from Boston (and was 
on board Mr. Thorp's sloop) and put on board the 
man of war unknown to Major Church, notwithstand- 
ing he had been at the trouble and charge of pro- 
curing him. Then the Major was obliged to one 
Bord,* procured by Mr. William Alden, who being 
acquainted in those parts, to leave his vessel, and 
go with him in the boats, which he readily complied 
with, and so went to Nasketf point, where being in- 
formed was a likely place to meet the enemy. Com- 
ng there, found several houses and small fields of 
corn, the fires having been out several days, and no 
new tracks. But upon Penobscot island they found 
several Indian houses, corn and turnips. Though 
the enemy still being all gone, as beforementioned. 

Then they divided, and sent their boats some one 
way, and some another, thinking, that if any strag- 
gling Indians, or Casteen himself, should be there- 

* The name of Bord or rather Boad as Sullivan has it, ia 
found among the first inhabitants of Saco. Hist. Maine, 218. 

f Or Nauseag, in the town of Woolwich on the east side ol 
the Kennebeck. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 227 

about, they might find them, but it proved all in 
vain. Himself and several boats went to Mountde- 
sart, to see if the French ships were gone, and 
whether any of the enemy might be there, but to no 
purpose ; the ships being gone and the enemy also. 
They being now got several leagues to the westward 
of their vessels, and seeing that the way was clear 
for their vessels to pass ; and all their extreme row- 
ing, and travelling by land and water, night and day, 
to be all in vain. (The enemy having left those 
parts as they judged, about eight or ten days before.) 
And then returning to their vessels, the commander 
calling all his officers together, to consult and re- 
solve what to do ; concluding that the enemy, by 
some means or other, had received some intelligence 
of their being come out against them ; and that they 
were in no necessity to come down to the sea side 
as yet, moose and beaver now being fat. 

They then agreed to go so far east, and employ 
themselves, that the enemy belonging to these parts, 
might think [that] they were gone home. Having 
some discourse about going over to St. Johns. But 
the masters of the vessels said, [that] [they] 1 had as 
good carry them to old France, &c, which put off 
that design. (They concluding that the French ships 
were there.) Then the Major moved for going over 
the bay towards Lahane,* and towards the gut of 
Canoer,f where was another considerable fort of In- 
dians, who often came to the assistance of our ene- 
my, the barbarous Indians. Saying, that by the 
time they should return again, the enemy belonging 
to these parts would come down again, expecting 
that we were gone home. But in short, could not 
prevail with the masters of the open sloops to ven- 
^_[he] 

• This name is spelt Layhone in a succeeding page. 

f Properly, Canceau, and pronounced Canso. It is the 
etrait between Cipe Breton island and Novascotia connect- 
ing the Atlantic with the gulf of St. Lawrence, 



228 FRENCH AND iNDIAN WARS. 

ture across the bay,* [They] 1 said [that] it was 
very dangerous so late in the year, and as much as 
their lives were worth, &c. 

Then they concluded and resolved to go to Se- 
nactaca,f wherein there was a ready compliance. 
(But the want of their pilot, Robert Cawley, was a 
great damage to them, who knew all those parts.) 
However, Mr. John Alden, master of the brigantine En- 
deavour, piloted them up the bay to Senactaca. And 
coming to Grinstone\ point, being not far from Se- 
nactaca, then c,ame to, with all the vessels, and ear- 
ly next morning came to sail, and about sunrise got 
into town. But it being so late before we landed, 
that the enemy, most of them, made their escape. 
And as it happened [we] landed where the French 
and Indians had some time before killed Lieutenant 
John Paine,§ and several of Captain Smithson's men, 
that were with said Paine. They seeing our forces 
coming, took the opportunity, fired several guns, 
and so ran all into the woods, [and] carried all or 
most part of their goods With them. One Jarman 
Bridgway|| came running towards our forces, with a 
i [who] 

* Bay of Fundy. 

t This, I presume, is what is called Signecto in Gov. Duel- 
ley's instructions to Col Church for the fifth expedition. It 
is since written Chignecto, and is the northern arm of the 
bay between Novascotia and Newbrunswick. Here the tide 
rises and falls 60 feet. 

X I suppose the reader would get over this word better, 
were it spelt better. But the alteration would be immaterial, 
as it is the name of a place. 

§ The same, I presume, who, in 1676-7, assisted Major 
Waldron in settling a treaty with the eastern Indians I 
learn no more of him than is found in Mr. Hubbard's Nar 
349, &c. Of Snnthson I learn nothing. 

H Charlevoix, who was better acquainted with French 
names than our author, calls him Bourgeois. He was one 
of the principal inhabitants of the place. See Hist. Mas. II, 
92, 93. Hutchinson, ib., says, that "Church calls him Bridg- 
man." Perhaps he did in his despatches, but it is not so 
spelt in my copy. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 229 

gun in one hand, and his cartridge box in the other, 
[and] calling to our forces to stop, that he might 
speak with them. But Major Church thinking [that 
this] 1 was [done] that they might have some advan- 
tage, ordered them to run on. When the said 
Bridgway saw [that] they would not stop, turned 
and ran. But the Major called unto him, and bid 
him stop, or he should be shot down. Some of our 
forces being near to the said Bridgway, said, [that] 
it was the General that called to him. He hearing 
that, stopped and turned about, laying down his gun, 
stood, till the Major came up to him. His desire 
was, that the commander would make haste with 
him to his house, lest the savages* should kill his 
father and mother, who were upward of four score 
years of age, and could not go. The Major asked 
the said Bridgway whether there were any Indians 
amongst them, and where they lived °l He shaked 
his head, and said, he durst not tell, for if he did, 
they would take an opportunity, and kill him and 
his. iSo all that could be got out of him was, that 
they were run into the woods with the rest. 

Then orders were given to pursue the enemy, 
and to kill what Indians they could find, and take 
the French alive, and give them quarter if they ask- 
ed it. 

Our forces soon took three Frenchmen, who, up- 
on examination, said, that the Indians were all run 
into the woods. The French firing several guns, 
and ours at them. But they being better acquain- 
ted with the woods than ours, got away. The Ma- 
jor took the abovesaid Jarman Bridgway for a pilot, 
and with some of his forces went over a river, to 
several of their houses, but the people were gone, 
and [had] carried their goods with them. In rang- 
ing the woods [they] found several Indian houses, 

Hit] 

• Church's savages. 



230 FKENCH AND INDIAN WAitS. 

their fires being just out, but no Indians. Spending 
that day in ranging to and fro, found considerab e 
of their goods, and but few people. At night the 
Major wrote a letter, and sent out two French pri- 
soners, where. n was signified, that if they would 
come in, they should have good quarters. The 
next day several came in, which did belong to 
that part of the town where our forces first land- 
ed, [and] 1 had encouragements given them by 
our commander, [viz.,] that if they would assist 
him in taking those Indians, which belonged to 
those parts, they should have their goods re- 
turned to them again, and their estates should 
not be demnified ; [but] 2 they refused.* Then 
the Major and his forces pursued their design. f 
i [who] 2 [which] 

* "What Hutchinson, II, 92, observes concerning this very 
severe requisition, is too just to be unnoticed. " This was a 
hard condition, and in effect, obliging them to quit their 
country ; for otherwise, as soon as the English had left them 
without sufficient protection, the incensed Indians would 
have fell upon them without mercy." 

f " Charlevoix says, (in Hist. Mas. II, 92, 93,) that Bour- 
geois produced a writing, by which Sir William Phips had 
given assurances of protection to the inhabitants of Chignee- 
to, whilst they remained faithful subjects of King William ; 
and that Church gave orders that nothing in their houses, 
&c, should be touched ; but whilst he was entertained by 
Bourgeois, together with the principal officers, the rest of the 
army dispersed themselves among the other houses and be- 
haved as if they had been in a conquered country." And, 
" that many of the inhabitants, not trusting to the promises 
cf the General [Church] refused to come in, and that it was 
very well they did ; for soon after he broke through all 
bounds, and left only the church and a few houses and barns 
standing ; and having discovered, posted up in the church, 
an order of Froitenac, the Governour of Canada, for the re- 
gulation of trade, he threatened to treat them as rebels, set 
fire to the church, and the houses which he had spared and 
which were now all reduced to ashes ; and having d>ne this, 
he presented a writing which he told them was an acknowl- 
edgement of their having renewed their subjection to King 
William, and would be a security to them in case any Eng- 
lish should again land among them." Before regarding this 



FRE CH AND INDIAN WAKS. 231 

And went further ranging their country, found seve- 
ral more houses, but the people [had] fled, and car- 
ried what they had away. But in a creek [they] 
found a prize baik, that was brought in there by a 
French privateer. In ranging the woods, took some 
prisoners, who upon examination gave our comman- 
der an account, that there were some Indians upon 
a neck of land, towards Menis.* 

So a party of men was sent into those woods. In 
their ranging about the said neck, found some plun- 
der, and a considerable quantity of whortleberries, 
both green and dry, which were gathered by the In- 
dians. [They] 1 had like to have taken two Indians ; 
[but] 2 by the help of a birch canoe [they] got over 
the river, and made their escape. Also they found 
two barrels of powder, and near half a bushel of bul 
lets. The French denying [them] 3 to be theirs, [and] 
said [that] they were the savages ; but sure it might 
be a supply for our enemies. Also, they took from 
Jarman Bridgway several barrels of powder, with 
bullets, shot, spears and knives, and other supplies 
to relieve our enemies. He owned that he had been 
trading with those Indians along Cape Sable f shore, 
with Peter Assnow ; and, that there he met with the . 
French ships, and went along with them to St. Johns, 
and helped them to unload the said ships, and car- 
ried up the river provisions, ammunition and other 
goods to Vilboon's fort. J 

The Major having ranged all places that were 
thought proper, returned back to the place where 
1 [and] 2 [ w ho] 3 [it] 

account as perfectly correct, it should be remembered that 
the Jesuit Charlevoix ever portrays the affairs of the French 
in amiable colours. 

* On a basin of the east arm of the bay between Novasco 
tia and Newbrunswick. Morse spells the word two ways 
viz,, Mines and Minas. 4 <S 

t The southwest point of Novascotia. 

| This fort was upon the river St. Johns. 



232 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

they first landed. And finding several prisoners come 
in, who were troubled to see their cattle, sheep, hogs 
and dogs lying dead about their houses, chopped and 
hacked with hatchets, (which was done without order 
from the Major.) However, he told them, [that] it 
was nothing to what our poor English, in our frontier 
towns, were forced to look upon. For men, women 
and children were chopped and hacked so, and left 
half dead, with all their scalps taken off; and that 
they and their Indians served ours so ; and our sava- 
ges would be glad to serve them so too, if he would 
permit them, which caused them to be mighty sub- 
missive. And [they] begged the Major that he would 
not let the savages serve them so. 

Our Indians being somewhat sensible of the dis- 
course, desired to have some of them to roast, and so 
to make a dance. And dancing in a hideous man- 
ner, to terrify them, said, that they could eat any 
sort of flesh, and that some of theirs would make 
their hearts strong. [And] stepping up to some of 
the prisoners, said that they must have their scalps, 
which much terrified the poor prisoners, who begged 
for their lives. The Major told them [that] he did 
not design the savages should hurt them ; but it was 
to let them see a little what the poor English felt, 
saying, [that] it was not their scalps [that] he want- 
ed, but the savages ; for he should get nothing by 
them ; and told them, that their fathers, the friars and 
Governours encouraged their savages, and gave them 
money to scalp our English, notwithstanding they 
were with them, which several of our English, there 
present, did testify to their faces, that their fathers 
and mothers were served so in their sight. 

But the Major bid them tell their fathers, (the fri- 
ars and Governours,) that if they still persisted, and 
let their wretched savages kill and destroy the poor 
English at that rate, he would come with some hun- 
dreds of savages, and let them loose amongst them, 
who would kill, scalp, and carry away every French 



FRENCH ANI. INDIAN WARS. 233 

person in all those parts , for they were the root from 
whence all the branches came, that hurt us. For 
the Indians could not do us any harm, if they [the 
French] did not relieve and supply them. The 
French being sensible of the Major's kindness to 
them, kissed his hand, and were very thankful to him 
for his favour to them in saving their lives. [They] 
owned that their priests* were at the taking of Peme- 
quid fort, and were now gone to Layhone, with some 
of thelndians, to meet the French ships, but for what, 
they would not tell. 

The commander, with his forces, having done all 
they could in those parts, concluded to go to St. 
Johns river, to do further service for their King and 
country; [so] embarked all on board their trans- 
ports.f And having a fair wind, soon got to Mono- 
genest,J which lies a little distance from the mouth 
of St. Johns river. 

Next morning early, the Major with his forces, 
landed to see what discovery they could make ; [so 
they] travelled across the woods to the old fort or 
falls at the mouth of St. Johns river, keeping them- 
selves undiscovered from the enemy. Finding that 
there were several men at work, and having informed 
themselves as much as they could, (the enemy being 
on the other side of the river, could not come at 
them) returned back. But night coming on, and 
dark wet weather, with bad travelling, were obliged 
to stop in the woods till towards next day morning, 
and then went on board. 

Soon after the Major ordered all the vessels to 
come to sail, and go into the mouth of the river. 
[That] being done, it was not long before the Major 
and his forces landed on the east sic e of the river, 
tne French firing briskly at them, but did them no 

* Castine was mentioned as being there. See note, page 
219. 

t On the 20 September. 

j On the north side of the river. 



■^- t-W» l 



234 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

harm. And running fiercely upon the enemy, they 
goon fled into the woods. The Major ordered a brisk 
party to run across a neck to cut them off from their 
canoes, which the day before they had made a dis- 
covery of. So the commander, with the rest, ran 
directly towards the new fort [that] they were build- 
ing, not knowing but [that] they had some ordnance 
mounted. The enemy running directly to their ca- 
noes, were met by our forces, who fired at them and 
killed one, and wounded Corporal Canton, who was 
taken. The rest threw down what they had, and ran 
into the woods. The said prisoner, Canton, being 
brought to the Major, told him, [that] if he would 
let his surgeon dress his wound and cure him, he 
would be serviceable to him as long as he lived. So 
being dressed, he was examined. [He] 1 gave the 
Major an account of the twelve great guns which 
were hid in the beach, below high water mark. 
(The carriages, shot, and wheelbarrows, some flour 
and pork, all hid in the woods.) 

The next morning the officers being all ordered 
to meet together, to consult about going to Vilboon's 
fort, and none amongst them being acquainted 
but the Aldens, who said, [that] the water in the 
river was very low, so that they could not get up to 
the fort 5 and the prisoner, Canton, told the Com- 
mander, that what the Aldens said was true. So 
not being willing to make a Canada expedition, con- 
cluded [that] it was not practicable to proceed.* 
Then ordered some of the forces to get the great 
guns on board the open sloops, and the rest to range 
the woods for the enemy, who took one prisoner and 
brought [him] in. [They] 2 in their ranging, found 
there a shallop, hauled in a creek. And a day or 
two after there came in a young soldier to our forces, 
i [Who] 2 [ w ho] 

* The unsuccessful attempt on Quebeck by Sir William 
Phips, which was rendered abortive by the lateness of the 
season. 



FRENCH AND INDI IN WARS. 235 

who upon examination, gave an account of two more 
which he left in the woods at some distance. So 
immediately the Major with some of his forces went 
in pursuit of them, taking the said prisoner with 
them, who conveyed them to the place where he left 
them, but they were gone. [They] then asked the 
prisoner, whether there were any Indians in those 
parts'? [He] said No, [that] it was as hard for Vilboon 
their Governour, to get an Indian down to the water 
side, as it was for him to carry one of those great 
guns on his back to his fort. For they having had 
intelligence by a prisoner out of Boston jail, that 
gave them an account of Major Church and his for- 
ces coming out against them. 

Now, having with a great deal of pains and trou- 
ble, got all the guns, shot, and other stores aboard, 
intended [to proceed] on our design, which we came 
out first for. But the wind not serving, the com- 
mander sent out his scouts into the woods to seek 
for the enemy. And four of our Indians came upon 
three Frenchmen undiscovered, who concluded, that 
if the French should discover them, [they] would 
lire at them, and might kill one or more of them ; 
which, to prevent, fired at the French, killed one, 
and took the other two prisoners. And it happened 
that he who was killed, was Shanelere, the chief 
man there, &c* 

The same day they mended their whale boats, 
and the shallop which they took ; fitting her to row 
with eight oars, that she might be helpful to their 
prosecuting their intended design against the enemy, 
in their returning homeward. Then the commander 
ordering all the officers to come together, informed 
them of his intentions ; and ordered that no vessel? 
should depart from the fleet, but to attend tne mo- 
tions of their Commodore, as formerly ; except they 
were parted by storms, or thick fogs. And if so, it 
should happen that any did part, when they came to 



236 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

Passamequady,* should stop there awhile , for 
there they intended to stop and do business, with 
the help of their boats against the enemy. And if 
they missed that, to stop at Machias,f which was 
the next place [that] he intended to stop at. Hav- 
ing an account by the prisoners taken that Mr. Late- 
ril{ was there, a trading with the Indians in the 
river, [And] encouraging them, said, [that] he did 
not doubt but to have a good booty there. And if 
they should pass those two places, be sure not to go 
past Naskege§ point ; but to stop there till he came, 
and not to depart thence in a fortnight without his 
orders ; having great service to do in and about Pe- 
nobscot, &c. 

Then Major Church discoursed with Captain 
Bracket, Captain Hunewell, and Captain Larking, 
(with their Lieutenants) commanders of the forces, 
belonging to the eastward parts, who were to dis- 
course their soldiers about their proceedings, when 
they came to Penobscot. And the Major himself 
was to discourse his Indian soldiers, and their Cap- 
tains, who with all the rest readily complied. The 
projection being such, that when they came to Pe- 
nobscot, the commander designed to take what pro- 

* Better written Passammaquaddy. Coasters call it Quod- 
dy. It is a deep bay, which begins the separation of the 
British dominions from Maine. 

f The bay of Machias is separated from Passammaquoddy 
by Pleasant point on the west. A river flows into this bay 
of the same name, on which is the town of Machias. 

$ Whoever this person might be, we hear no more of him, 
only that he was a Frenchman, and had a family at Mount- 
desert ; that he was taken in the last expedition ; and that 
his name was old Lateril or Lotriell according to the early 
writers who mention him, which of course, was all they knew 
about him. 

§ What Sullivan calls Nauseag, I expect, almost up to the 
Kennebeck, but on the east side, and now within the town 
of Woolwich. See page 226, of this history, where it is spelt 
Nasket. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 2tf 

visions could be spared out of all the sloops, and 
put [it] on board the two brigantines, and to send 
all the sloops home with gome of the officers and 
men that wanted to be at home. And then with 
those forces aforementioned, to wit, the eastward 
men, and all the Indians ; and to take what provi- 
sions and ammunition was needful, and to march 
with himself up into the Penobscot country, in 
search of the enemy, and if posssible to take that 
fort in Penobscot river. Captain Bracket informing 
the Major, that when the water was low, they could 
wade over, which was at that time, the lowest that 
had been known in a long time. 

And being there, to range through that country 
down to Pemequid, where he intended [that] the 
two brigantines should meet them ; and from thence 
taking more provisions, viz., bread, salt, and ammu- 
nition suitable (to send those two vessels home also) 
to travel through the country to Nerigiwack,* and 
from thence to Amerascogen fort, and so down 
where the enemy used to plant. Not doubting but 
that in all this travel to meet with many of the ene- 
my before they should get to Piscataqua. All 
which intentions were very acceptable to the forces 
that were to undertake it. [And] 1 rejoicing, said, 
they had rather go home by land than by water, 
provided their commander went with them. [He,] 2 
to try their fidelity, said [that] he was grown an- 
cient, and might fail them. [But] they all said they 
would not leave him, and when he could not travel 
any further, they would carry him. 

Having done what service they could, at and 
about the mouth of St. Johns river, resolved on their 
i [who] 2 [who] 

* Norridgewock. This name has been subject to almost 
as many methods of spelling, as its neighbour, Androscoggin. 
It was an ancient celebrated Indian town on the Kennebeck 
river, about 84 miles from its mouth by the course of the river 
Sullivan, 31, 32. 



238 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

intended design. And the next morning, having 
but little wind, came all to sail. The wind coming 
against them they put into Mushquash cove. And 
the next day the wind being still against them, the 
Major with part of his forces landed, and employed 
themselves in ranging the country for the enemy, 
but to no purpose. [But] 1 in the night the wind 
came pretty fair, and at twelve o'clock they came to 
sail. [They] 2 had not been out long before they 
spied three sail of vessels ; expecting them to be 
French, fitted to defend themselves. So coming 
near, hailed them, [and] 3 found them to be a man of 
war, the province galley, and old Mr. Alden* in a 
sloop, with more forces, Colonel Hathornef com- 
mander. 

Major Church went aboard the Commodore, where 
Colonel Hathorne was, who gave him an account of 
his commission, and orders, and read them to him. 
Then his honour told Major Church, that there was 
a particular order on board Captain Southack for him, 
which is as followeth. 

[To Major Berjamin Church.'] 

"Boston, September 9th, 1696. 
Sir, 

His Majesty's ship Orford, having lately surprised 
a French shallop, with twentythree of the soldiers 
i[and] 2 [ an d] 3 [Who] 

* The same often mentioned in the preceding pages. See 
note S, on page 196. He was in 1692 imprisoned for witch- 
craft, and previously examined by Hawthorn, under whom 
he appears in this expedition. See Hutchinson, II, 50, and 
94. 

t Col. John Hathorne or Hawthorn. This gentleman, 
however unfit he might be to succeed Church, it is certain 
that he may now be better employed than when committing 
witches at Salem. I learn little of him, excepting what may 
be seen in Hutchinson, and Calef. Perhaps he was a son of 
William Hawthorn, the first speaker of the court of Massa- 
chusetts, upon record. Hist. Mas. 1, 150. He was quite ac- 
tive in these wars, also in the former. Nothing very brilliant 
appears to have been performed under his command. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 239 

belonging to the fort upon Johns river, in Novascotia, 
ogether with Vilieau, their Captain, providence 
seems to encourage the forming of an expedition to 
attack that fort, and to disrest and remove the enemy 
from that post, which is the chief source from whence 
the most of our disasters do issue, and also to favour 
with an opportunity for gaining out of their hands 
the ordnance, artillery, and other warlike stores, and 
provisions, lately supplied to them from France, for 
erecting a new fort near the river's mouth, whereby 
they will be greatly strengthened, and the reducing 
of them rendered more difficult. I have therefore 
ordered a detachment of two new companies, con- 
sisting of about an hundred men to join the forces 
now with you for that expedition, and have commis- 
sionated Lieutenant Colonel John Hathorne, one of 
the members of his Majesty's council, who is ac- 
quainted with that river, and in whose courage and 
conduct I repose special trust to take the chief com- 
mand of the whole, during that service, being well 
assured that your good affections and zeal for his 
Majesty's service will induce your ready compliance 
and assistance therein which, I hope, will take up 
no long time, and be of great benefit and advantage 
to these his Majesty's territories, if it please God to 
succeed the same. Besides, it is very probable to 
be the fairest opportunity, that can be offered unto 
yourself and men, of doing execution upon the In- 
dian enemy and rebels, who may reasonably be ex- 
pected to be drawn to the defence of that fort. I 
^have also ordered his Majesty's ship Arundel, and 
the province Galley to attend this service. 

Colonel Hathorne will communicate unto you the 
contents of his commission and instructions received 
from myself for this expedition, which I expect and 
order that yourself, officers and soldiers, now under 
you, yield obedience unto. He is to advise with 
yourself and others in all weighty attempts. Pray- 
ing for a blessing from Heaven upon the said enter- 



240 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

prise, and that all engaged in the same may be under 
the special protection of the Almighty. I am your 
loving friend, 

WILLIAM STOUGHTON." 

The Major having read his last orders, and con- 
sidering his commission, found that he was obliged 
to attend all orders,* &c, was much concerned that 
he and his were prevented in their intended projec- 
tion, if carried back to St. Johns. Then discoursing 
with Colonel Hathorne, gave him an account of what 
they had done at St. Johns, viz., that as to the de- 
molishing the new fort, they had done it ; and [had] 
got all their great guns and stores aboard their ves- 
sels. And, that if it had not been that the waters 
were so low, would have taken the fort up the river 
also, before he came away. Told him also, that 
one of the prisoners which he had taken at St. Johns, 
upon examination, concerning the Indians in those 
parts, told him, [that] it was as hard for Vilboon their 
Governour, to get one of their Indians down to the 
water side, as to carry one of those great guns upon 
his back. And that the^ had an account of him 
[Church,] and his forces' coming to those parts by a 
prisoner out of Boston jail. Also, told his honour, 
that if they went back it would wholly disappoint 
them of their doing any further service, which was 
[what] 1 they came for to Penobscot, and places ad- 
jacent. But all was to no purpose. His honour tell- 
i [that] 

* Church could not but be offended at such boyish conduct, 
which will more fully appear in the ensuing narration. Im- 
portant service, perhaps, might have been done in the exe- 
cution of the plan that Church and his forces were then about 
to enter upon. They would doubtless have relieved the east- 
ern people from their garrisons in which they had most of 
the year been shut up. The savages had hovered around 
the settlements from Pascataqua to their extent eastward, 
and had between the 7 May, and 13 October, killed and ta- 
ken about 34 of the inhabitants ; 24 being of the former num- 
ber. See Magnalia, II, b49, 50. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 24 \ 

ing the Major that he must attend his orders then 
received.* 

And to encourage the officers and soldiers, told 
them, [that] they should be wholly at the Major's 
ordering and command in the whole action. And to 
be short did go back, and the event may be seen in 
Colonel Hathorne's journal of the said action. f 

Only I must observe one thing by the way, which 
was, that when they drew off to come down the riv 
er again, Colonel Hathorne came off and left the Ma- 
jor behind to see that all the forces were drawn off. 
And coming down the river, in or near the rear, in 
the night, heard a person halloo. Not knowing at 

* The superceding of Church, says Hutchinson, II, 94, " was an 
impolitic measure, unless any misconduct in Church made it 
necessary that he should be superceded." But nothing of that 
kind is made appear, and can be accounted for, only, by suppos- 
ing that Stoughton had not fully recovered from the debility he 
had received in the late Witch Crusade. 

fThe journal of Hathorne, referred to, is undoubtedly 
lost, which we have to regret. Perhaps Hutchinson had the 
use of it, as the account which he gives of the expedition is 
somewhat particular. He mentions, II, 94, 5, that Villebon 
had timely notice of their object, and the reinforcement; and 
accordingly had made the best arrangements he could to re- 
ceive them. They effected a landing on the 7 October, not 
however without considerable opposition. The same day 
they raised a battery, and planted two fleldpieces upon it 
With these and their small arms they commenced an attack 
upon the fort, which was answered. The following night 
being very cold, the English made fires to keep them from 
perishing. But this being a sure mark for the enemy's cannon, 
were obliged to put them out, and suffer the inclemency of the 
weather. Church's men suffering more extremely, being almost 
bare of clothing from their long service. Discouragement 
now seized them, and they drew off the next night. Mather 
makes no reflections on the planning and executing of this expe- 
dition. " The difficulty of the cold season so discouraged our 
men, that after the making of some few shot the enterprise 
found itself under too much congelation to proceed any fur- 
ther." So he says, Magnalia, II, 550. No account is given thai 
any were killed. 

L 16 



242 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

first, but it might be a snare to draw them into ; but 
upon consideration, sent to see who or what he was, 
and found him to be a Negro man belonging to Mar- 
blehead, that had been taken and kept a prisoner 
amongst them for some time- The Major asked him, 
whether he could give any account of the Indians 
in those parts °l He said Yes, they were or had been 
all drawn off from the sea coast, up into the woods 
near an hundred miles. [They] having had an ac- 
count by a prisoner out of Boston jail, that Major 
Church and his forces were coming out against them 
in four brigantines, and four sloops, with twentyfour 
pettiaugers, (meaning whale boats) which put them 
into [such] a fright, that notwithstanding they were 
so far up in the woods, were afraid to make fires by 
day, lest he and his forces should discover the 
smokes, and in the night lest they should see the 
light. 

One thing more I would just give a hint of, that 
is, how the French in the eastward parts were much 
surprised at the motion of the whale boats. [They] 
said, [that] there was no abiding for them in that 
country. And I have been informed since, that 
soon after this expedition, they drew off from St. 
Johns fort and river. 

But to return. Then going all down the river, 
embarked and went homeward. Only by the way, 
candid reader, I would let you know of two things 
that proved very prejudicial to Major Church and his 
forces. The first was, that the government should 
miss it so much as to send any prisoner away from 
Boston before the expedition was over. Secondly, 
that they should send Colonel Hathorne to take them 
from the service and business they went to do ; who, 
by submission, doubtless thought [that] they did for 
the best though it proved to the contrary. 

So [I] shall wind up with a just hint of what hap- 
pened at their coming home to Boston. After af. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 243 

their hard service both night and day, the govern- 
ment took away all the great guns and warlike 
stores and gave them not a penny for them (except 
it was some powder, and that they gave what they 
pleased for.) And besides the assembly passed a vote 
that they should have but half pay. But his honour 
the Lieutenant Governour being much disturbed at 
their so doing, went into the town house, where the 
representatives were sitting, and told them, except 
they did reassume that vote, which was to cut Major 
Church and his forces off their half pay, they should 
sit there till the next spring. Whereupon it was re- 
assumed. So that they had just their bare wages. 
But as yet, never had any allowance for the great 
guns and stores; neither has Major Church had any 
allowance for all his travel and great expenses in 
raising the said forces, volunteers. 



THE FIFTH AND LAST EXPEDITION EAST. 

In the year 1703-4, Major Church had an account 
of the miserable devastations made on Deerfield,* a 
town in the westward parts of this province, f and 
the horrible barbarities, and cruelties exercised on 
those poor innocent people* by the French and In- 
dians ; especially of their cruelties towards that wor- 
thy gentlewoman Mrs. Williams, and several others, 
whom they marched in that extreme season ; forcing 
them to carry great loads. And when any of them 
by their hard usage could not bear with it, [they] 
were knocked on the head, and so killed in cool 
blood. All which, with some other horrible instan- 
ces done by those barbarous savages, which Major 
> Church himself was an eye witness to in his former 
travel in the eastward parts, did much astonish him. 

* A more particular account of the " Destruction of Deer* 
field" will be given in the IX Appendix to this history. 
tOn Connecticut river, about 90 miles from Boston. 



I 



244 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

To see a woman that those barbarous savages 
had taken and killed, exposed in a most brutish man- 
ner (as can be expressed) with a young child seized 
fast with strings to her breast. [The] 1 infant had 
no apparent wound, which doubtless was left alive 
to suck its dead mother's breast, and so miserably to 
perish and die. Also to see other poor children 
hanging upon fences, dead, of either sex, in their 
own poor rags, not worth stripping them of, in scorn 
and derision. 

Another instance was, of a straggling soldier, who 
was found at Casco, exposed in a shameful and bar- 
barous manner. His body being staked up, his head 
cut off, and a hog's head set in the room ; his body 
ripped up, and his heart and inwards taken out, and 
private members cut off, and hung with belts of their 
own, the inwards at one side of his body, and his 
privates at the other, in scorn and derision of the 
English soldiers, &c. 

These and such like barbarities caused Major 
Church to express himself to this purpose. That 
if he were commander in chief of these provinces, 
he would soon put an end to those barbarities, done 
by the barbarous enemy, by making it his whole bu- 
siness to fight and destroy those savages as they did 
our poor neighbours, ,which doubtless might have 
oeen done if rightly managed, and that in a short 
time, &c. So that these with the late inhumanities 
done upon the inhabitants of Deerfield, made such 
an impression on his heart, as cannot well be express- 
ed. So that his blood boiled within him, making 
such impulses on his mind, that he forgot all former 
treatments, which were enough to hinder any man, 
especially the said Major Church, from doing any 
further service. 

Notwithstanding all which, having a mind to take 
some satisfaction on the enemy, his heart being full, 
took his hoi se and went from his own habitation, 
1 [which] 



FRENCH AND INDIAN W &.RS. 245 

near seventy miles, to wait upon his excellency, and 
offered his service to the Queen,* his excellency 
and the country ; which his excellency readily ac- 
cepted of, and desired Major Church to draw a 
scheme for the ensuing action, or actions. So tak- 
ing leave went home, and drew it, which is as fol- 
loweth. 

" Tiverton, February 5, 1703—4. 
May it please your Excellency — 

According to your request, when I was last with 
yourself, and in obedience thereunto, I present you 
with these following lines, that concern the prepara- 
tion for next spring's expedition, to attack the ene- 
my. According to my former direction ; for it is 
good to have a full stroke at them first, before they 
have opportunity to run for it. For the first of our 
action will be oar opportunity to destroy them, and 
to prevent their running away, in waylaying every 
passage, and make them know we are in good 
earnest. And so we being in a diligent use of means, 
we may hope for a blessing from the Almighty, and 
that he will be pleased to put a dread in their hearts, 
that they may fall before us and perish. For my ad- 
vice is, 

First. That ten or twelve hundred good able sol- 
diers, well equipped, be in a readiness lit for action, 
by the first of April at farthest. ; for then will be 
the time to be upon action. 

Secondly. That five and forty or fifty, good 
whaleboats be had ready, well fitted with five good 
oars and twelve or fifteen good paddles to every boat. 

* Anne, who came to the throne of England in 1702. She 
reigned until her death in 1714, and then the line of Geor- 
ges commenced. This war which hegan in 1703 is general- 
ly called Queen Anne's war. Dr. Douglass calls it " Dud- 
ley's Indian War." But this must he regarded as one of 
his loose denominations, for the war had already originated 
when Gov Dudley entered upo? his office. 



246 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

And upon the wale of each boat, five pieces of strong 
leather be fastened on each side to slip five small ash 
bars through ; that so, whenever they land, the men 
may step overboard, and slip in said bars across, and 
take up said boat that she may not be hurt against 
the rocks. And that two suitable brass kettles be 
provided to belong to each boat to dress the men's 
victuals in to make their lives comfortable. 

Thirdly. That four or five hundred pairs of good 
Indian shoes be made ready, fit for the service for 
the English and Indians, that must improve the whale 
boats and birch canoes ; for they will be very proper 
and safe for that service. And let there be a good 
store of cow hides well tanned, for a supply of such 
shoes, and hemp to make thread, and wax to mend 
and make more such shoes when wanted, and a good 
store of awls. 

Fourthly. That there be an hundred large hatch- 
ets, or light axes, made pretty broad, and steeled with 
the best steel that can be got, and made by work- 
men, that [they] may cut very well, and hold, that 
the hemlock knots may not break or turn them, to 
widen the landing place up the falls. For it may 
happen that we may get up with some of our whale- 
boats to their falls or headquarters. 

Fifthly. That there be a suitable quantity of small 
bags, or wallets provided, that every man that wants 
may have one to put up his bullets in, of such a size 
as will fit his gun, (and not be served as at Casco.*) 
That every man's bag be so marked that he may not 
change it. For if so, it will make a great confusion 
in action. That every man's store of ball be weigh- 
ed to him, that so he may be accountable and may 
not squander it away and also his store of powder, 
that so he may try his powder and gun before action. 
And that every particular company may have a bar- 



—» 



* There most of their shot was so large that it was useless 
only as it was hammered, and was not discovered until 
an engagement took place with the enemy. See page 166. 



FE.ENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 247 

rel of powder to themselves and so marked that it 
may by no means be changed. That men may know 
oeforehand, and may not be cheated out of their 
lives, by having bad powder, or not knowing how to 
use it. And this will prove a great advantage to 
the action. 

Sixthly. That Colonel John Gorham, if he may 
be prevailed with, may be concerned in the manage- 
ment of the whale boats, he having been formerly 
concerned in the eastern parts and experienced in 
that affair. And whalemen then will be very service- 
able in this expedition, which having a promise made 
to them, that they shall be released in good season, 
to go home a whaling in the fall, your excellency 
will have men enough. 

Seventhly. That there may be raised for this ser- 
vice three hundred Indians at least, and more if they 
may be had ; for I know certainly, of my own know- 
ledge that they exceed most of our English in hunt- 
ing and skulking in the woods, being always used to 
it. And it must be practised if ever we intend to 
destroy those Indian enemies. 

Eighthly. That the soldiers already out eastward 
in the service, men of known judgment, may take a 
survey of them and their arms, and see if their arms 
be good and they know how to use them in shooting 
right, at a mark, and that they be men of good reason 
and sense to know how to manage themselves in so 
difficult a piece of service as this Indian hunting is, 
for bad men are but a clog and hinderance to an 
army, being a trouble and vexation to good com- 
manders, and so many mouths to devour the country's 
provision, and a hinderance to all good actions. 

Ninthly. That special care be had in taking up 
the whaleboats that they be good, and fit for that 
service, so that the country be not cheated as for- 
merly in having rotten boats and as much care that 
the owners may have good satisfaction for them. 

Tenthly. That the tenders or transports, vessels 



248 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

to be improved in this action, be good decked vessels, 
not too big because of going up several rivers hav- 
ing four or six small guns apiece for defence, and 
the fewer men will defend them, and there are 
enough such vessels to be had. 

Eleventhly. To conclude all, if your excellency 
will be pleased to make yourself great and us a hap- 
py people, as to the destroying of our enemies and 
easing of our taxes, &c, be pleased to draw forth all 
those forces now in pay in all the eastward parts, 
both at Saco and Casco bay, for those two trading 
houses never did any good nor ever will, and are not 
worthy the name of Queen's forts ; and the first 
building of them had no other effect but to lay us 
under tribute to that wretched pagan crew ; and I 
hope will never be wanted for that they were first 
built; [ — J 1 but sure it is, they are very serviceable to 
them ; for they get many a good advantage of us to 
destroy our men and laugh at us for our folly, that 
we should be at so much cost and trouble to do a 
thing that does us so much harm, and no manner of 
good : but to the contrary when they see all our for- 
ces drawn forth, and in pursuit of them they will 
think that we begin to be roused up, and to be awake 
and will not be satisfied with what they have pleased 
to leave us, but are resolved to retake from them 
that they took formerly from us, and drive them out 
of their country also. The which being done, then 
to build a fort at a suitable time, and in a convenient 
place, and it will be very honourable to your excel- 
lency, and of great service to her Majesty, and to 
the enlargement of her Majesty's government (the 
place meant being at Portroyal.) 

Twelfthly. That the objection made against draw- 
ing off the forces in the eastward parts will be no 
damage to the inhabitants, for former experience 
teacheth us that so soon as drawn into their country, 
they will presently forsake ours to take care of their 
own. And that there be no failure in making pre- 
ifibr] 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 249 

paration of these things aforementioned; for many 
times the want of small things prevents the complet- 
ing of great actions. And that every thing be in 
readiness before the forces be raised to prevent 
charges, and the enemy's having intelligence. And 
that the general court be moved to make suitable 
acts for the encouraging both English and Indians, 
that so men of business may freely offer estates and 
concerns to serve the publick. 

Thus hoping what I have taken the pains to write 
in the sincerity of my heart, and good affection, will 
be well accepted, I make bold to subscribe as I am, 
your excellency's most devoted humble servant, 

BENJAMIN CHURCH." 

Then returning to his excellency, presented the 
said scheme, which his excellency approved of, and 
returned it again to Major Church, and desired him 
to see that every thing was provided ; telling him 
he should have an order from the commissary Gene- 
ral to proceed. Then returned home, and made it 
his whole business to provide oars and paddles, and 
a vessel to carry them round, and then returned again 
to his excellency, who gave him a commission which 
is as followeth. 

" Joseph Dudley,* Esq., Captain General and Go- 
vernour in Chief, in and over her Majesty's pro- 

* A son of Thomas Dudley, who came to America in 1630, 
and who has been celebrated for his bitterness against tolera- 
tion. Some poetry found in his pocket (says Morton, 151,) 
after his death, is so singular, and characteristick of the 
times, that I may be pardoned for so much digressing as to 
insert a clause of it. 

" Let men of God in courts and churches watch 
O'er such as do a toleration hatch; 
Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, 
To poison all with heresy and vice. 
If men be left, and otherwise combine, 
My epitaph's, I dy'd no libertine." 
The subject of this note was born in 1647, graduated at 
Harvard College, 1665, and is said to have been eminent for 



250 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

vince of the Massachusetts bay, in Newengland, 
in America, and Vice Admiral of the same, 

To Benjamin Church, Esq., Greeting. 

By virtue of the power and authority, in and by 
her Majesty's royal commission, to me granted, I do 
by these presents, reposing special trust and confi- 
dence in your loyalty, courage, and good conduct, 
constitute and appoint you to be Colonel of all the 
forces raised, and to be raised for her Majesty's ser- 
vice, against the French and Indian enemy and rebels, 
that shall be improved in the service to the eastward 
of Casco bay ; and to be Captain of the first com- 
pany of the said forces. You are therefore carefully 
and diligently to perform the duty of a Colonel and 
Captain, by leading, ordering and exercising the said 
regiment and company in arms, both inferiour offi- 
cers and soldiers ; and to keep them in good order 
and discipline. Hereby commanding them to obey 
you as their Colonel and Captain ; and with them to 
do and execute all acts of hostility against the said 
enemy and rebels. And you are to observe and fol- 
low such orders and directions as you shall receive 
from myself, or other, your superiour officer, accord- 
ing to the rules and discipline of war, pursuant to 
the trust reposed in you. Given under my hand and 

his learning. He was a commissioner in Philip's war, and his 
name may be seen among them at the head of the long treaty 
with the Narragansets, in July, 1675. When Andross was 
Governour, Mr. Dudley was president of the council, and 
was seized upon as belonging to his party, and imprisoned 
for some time, and treated with inhumanity. Being sent for 
by King William, he embarked in Feb., 1689. The next 
year he was sent over as chief justice of Newyork, but he 
was never satisfied anywhere but in the government of Mas- 
sachusetts. He therefore exerted himself to injure Gover- 
nour Phips, expecting to succeed him ; but the people pre- 
vented him by procuring the appointment of the Earl of 
Bellomont, whose premature death gave him his beloved of- 
fice, in which he continued from 1702 to 1716. Gov. Shute 
succeeded him, and he diei /a 1720, aged 73. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 251 

seal at arms, at Boston, the 18th day of March, im 
the third year of her Majesty's reign. Anno Dom. 
1703-4. 

J. DUDLEY. 
By his Excellency's command. 

Isaac Addington, Seer." 

Colonel Church no sooner received his commis- 
sion, but proceeded to the raising of men, volun- 
teers, by going into every town within the three 
counties,* which were formerly Plymouth govern- 
ment ; advising with the chief officer of each com- 
pany, to call his company together, that so he might 
have the better opportunity to discourse and encour- 
age them to serve their Queen and country. Treat- 
ing them with drink convenient, told them, [that] he 
did not doubt but with God's blessing to bring them 
all home again. All which with many other argu- 
ments, animated their hearts to do service. So, that 
Colonel Church enlisted, out of some companies, near 
twenty men, and others fifteen. 

He having raised a sufficient number of English 
soldiers, proceeded to the enlisting of Indians, in all 
those parts where they dwelt, which was a great fa- 
tigue and expense ; being a people that need much 
treating, especially with drink, &c. Having enlist- 
ed the most of his soldiers in those parts, who daily 
lay upon him, [and] was not less than five pounds 
per day expenses, some days in victuals and drink; 
who doubtless thought, (especially the English) that 
the country would have reimbursed it again, other- 
wise they would hardly [have] accepted it of him. 

Colonel Church's soldiers, both English and In- 
dians, in those parts, being raised, marched them all 

* Plymouth, Barnstable, and Bristol. This division was 
made in 1685, which before were all in one. Supplement to 
Morton, -207. 



252 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

down to Nantasket,* according to his excellency's 
directions. Where being come, the following gen- 
tlemen were commissionated to be commanders of 
each particular company, viz., Lieutenant Colonel 
Gorham, Captains, John Brown, Constant Church, 
James Cole, John Dyer, John Cook, Caleb William- 
son, and Edward Church, of the forces raised by Co- 
lonel Church ; each company being filled up with 
English and Indians as they agreed among them- 
selves, and by the Colonel's directions. Captain 
Lamb, and Captain Mirick's company, which were 
raised by his excellency's direction, were ordered to 
join those aforesaid, under the command of Colonel 
Church. 

Matters being brought thus far on, Colonel Church 
waited upon his excellency at Boston to know his 
pleasure, what farther measures were to be taken ; 
and did humbly move that they might have liberty in 
their instructions to make an attack upon Portroyal. 
Being very well satisfied in his opinion, that with 
the blessing of God, with what forces they had, or 
should have ; and whaleboats so well fitted with oars 
and paddles, as they had with them, might be suffi- 
cient to have taken it. His excellency (looking up- 
on Colonel Church) replied, [that] "he could not 
admit of that, by reason, [that] he had, by the advice 
of her Majesty's council, writ to her Majesty about 
the taking of Portroyal fort, and how it should be 
disposed of when taken," &c. However Colonel 
Church proceeded to get every thing ready for the 
forces down at Nantasket, which was the place of 
parade. 

He happening one day to be at Captain Belch 

* The entrance into Boston harbour, south of the light- 
house. The winter of 1696 was so severe, that sleds and 
sleighs frequently passed from Boston to Nantasket upon the 
ice. The island of this name was the place of rendezvous, 
and is nine miles from Boston. It co itains the present tow* 
of Hull, and is connected to Hinghan by a dam. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 253 

er's,* where his excellency happened to come. [He] 1 
was pleased to order Colonel Church to put on his 
sword, and walk with him up the common, which 
he readily complied with. Where being come, he 
saw two mortar pieces with shells, and an engineer 
trying with them, to throw a shell from them to any 
spot of ground where he said it should fall ; which 
when Colonel Church had seen done, gave him great 
encouragement, and hopes [that] that would promote 
their going to Portroyal, which he had solicited for. 
And returning from thence, after they had seen them 
tried by the said engineer, and performing what was 
proposed, [and] coming near to Captain William 
Clark's house, over against the horse shoe, his ex- 
cellency was invited by Captain Clark to walk over 
and take a glass of wine, which he was pleased to 
accept of, and took Colonel Church with him And 
in the time they were taking a glass of wine, Colonel 
Church once more presumed to say to his excellen- 
cy ; " Sir, I hope that now we shall go to Portroyal 
in order to take it ; those mortars being very suita- 
ble for such an enterprise." His excellency was 
pleased to reply; " Colonel Church, you must say no 
more of that matter, for the letter I told you of, I 
writ by the advice of her Majesty's council, now 
lies at home on the board before the Lords commis- 
sioners of her Majesty's foreign plantations," &,c. 

After some days, every thing being ready to em- 
bark, Colonel Church received his instructions, which 
are as follows : 

" By his excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain 
General and Governour in Chief, in and over Iver 
Majesty's province of the Massachusetts bay, fyc, 
in Newengland, and Vice Admiral of the same. 
i [who] 

* Captain Andrew Belcher of Cambridge, and father of 
Governour Belcher, I suspect is meant See page 62, note d, 



254 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 

Instructions for Colonel Benjamin Church in the 
present Expedition. 

In pursuance of the commission given you to 
take the chief command of the land and sea forces 
by me raised, equipped and sent forth on her Ma- 
jesty's service, against her open declared enemies, 
the French and Indian rebels. You are to observe 
the following instructions. 

First. You are to take care, that the duties of 
religion be attended on board the several vessels, and 
in the several companies under your command, by 
daily prayers unto God, and reading his holy word. 
And that the Lord's day be observed and duly sanc- 
tified to the utmost of your power, as far as the cir- 
cumstances and necessity of the service can admit, 
that so you may have the presence of God with, and 
obtain his blessing on, your undertaking. 

You are to take care, that your soldiers have their 
due allowance of provisions and other necessaries; 
that their arms be well fixed, and kept fit for service, 
and that they be furnished with a suitable quantity 
of powder and ball, and be always in readiness to 
pass upon duty. 

That good order and discipline be maintained ; and 
all disorders, drunkenness, profane swearing, curs- 
ing, omission or neglect of duty, disobedience to of- 
ficers, mutiny, desertion, and sedition be duly pun- 
ished, according to the rules and articles of war ; 
the which you are once a month or oftener, to cause 
to be published, and made known to your officers 
and soldiers for their observance and direction in 
their duty. Let notorious and capital offenders be 
sent away to the next garrison, there to be imprison- 
ed until they can be proceeded with. 

Let the sick and wounded be carefully looked af- 
ter, and accommodated after the best manner your 
circumstances will admit of, and be sent either to 
Casco fort, or to Mr. PeperePs at Kittery, which may 
be easiest, so soon as vou can. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 255 

You are forthwith to send away the forces and 
stores by the transports, with the whaleboats to Pis* 
cataqua, on Kittery side there to attend your com- 
ing whither you are to follow them with all expedi- 
tion. 

You are to embark in the province galley, Captain 
Southack commander, and Lieutenant Colonel Gor- 
ham go on board Captain Gallop ; who are both di- 
rected to attend your motion on the French side, 
after which^hey are to return. Let the commanders 
of all the store sloops and transports know that they 
sail, anchor and serve at your direction. 

When you sail from Piscataqua, keep at such dis- 
tance off the shore, that you be not discovered by 
the enemy to alarm them. Stop at Montinicus,* 
and there embark the forces in the whaleboats for 
the main, to range that part of the country, in search 
of the enemy, to Mountdesart, sending the vessels to 
meet you there ; and after having refreshed and re- 
cruited your soldiers, proceed to Machias, and from 
thence to Passamequado ; and having effected what 
spoils you possibly may, upon the enemy in those 
parts, embark on your vessels for Menis and Signec- 
to, to Portroyal gut ; and use all possible methods for 
the burning and destroying of the enemies houses, and 
breaking the dams of their corn grounds in the said 
several places, and make what other spoils you can 
upon them, and bring away the prisoners. In your 
return call at Penobscot and do what you can there, 
and so proceed westward. 

This will probably employ you a month, or six 
weeks ; when you will draw together again, and by 
the latter end of June, consider whether you can 
march to Norrigwack, or other parts of their plant- 
ing, to destroy their corn and settlements and keep 

* An island considerable distance from the coast of Maine, 
and the same, I suppose, called Martinicus or Mertinicuson 
the late maps. It is 15 or 20 miles from Vinalhavcn island at 
the mouth of the Penobscot. 



I 

256 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

the expedition on foot until the middle of August 
next. 

Notwithstanding the particularity of the aforego- 
ing instruction, I lay you under no restraint, because 
I am well assured of your courage, care, caution and 
industry ; but refer you to your own resolves, by the 
advice of your commission officers, not under the de- 
gree of Captains, and the sea commission Captains 
(whom you will, as often as you can, advise with) ac- 
cording to the intelligence you may receive, or as 
you may find needful upon the spot. 

You are by every opportunity, and once a week 
certainly, by some means either by way of Casco, 
Piscataqua, or otherwise to acquaint me of your pro- 
ceedings and all occurrences, and what may be fur- 
ther necessary for the service. And to observe such 
further and other instructions as you shall receive 
from myself. 

As olten as you may, advise with Captain Smith 
and Captain Rogers, commanders of her Majesty's 
ships. 

Let your minister, commissary, and surgeons be 
treated with just respects. I pray to God to preserve, 
prosper and succeed you. 

Given under my hand at Boston, the fourth day of 
May, 1704. 

J. DUDLEY." 

Pursuant to his instructions he sent away his trans- 
ports and forces* to Piscataqua, but was obliged 
himself to wait upon his excellency by land to Pis- 
cataqua in order to raise more forces in the way 
thither ; and did raise a company under the command 
of Captain Harridon.f Taking care to provide a 

* This collected armament consisted of 550 soldiers, in 14 
small transports, and was provided with 86 whale boats, and 
convoyed by three men of war ; one of 48, one of 32, and one 
of 14 guns. Hutchinson, II, 132. Douglass, I, 557. 

f This name is spelt Harreden in Penhallow's history ; 
but his own signature to the resolve before Portroyal is Har- 
radon. No other mention is made of him in the Indian wars 

at I have seen. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 257 

pilot for them in the bay of Fundy. (Colonel Church 
being directed to one Fellows whom he met with at 
Ipswich.) And going from thence to Piscataqua 
with his excellency, was there met by that worthy 
gentleman, Major Winthrop Hilton,* who was very 
helpful to him in the whole expedition, whose name 
and memory ought not to be forgot. 

Being ready to embark from Piscataqua, Colonel 
Church requested the commanders of her Majesty's 
ships, Captain Smith, f and Captain RogersJ to tarry 
at Piscataqua a fortnight, that so they might not be 
discovered by the enemy before he had done some 
spoil upon them. Then moving§ in their transports, 
as directed, got safe into Montinicus,|| undiscovered 
by the enemy. Next morning early, fitted out two 
whaleboats with men, Captain John Cook in one, 
and Captain Constant Church in the other, and sent 
them to Green islandlT upon a discovery. And com- 
ing there, they parted, one went to one part, and the 
other to the other part, that so they might not miss 

* Abundant materials are preserved for a biography of this 
gentleman. He was a direct descendant of one of the first 
settlers of Newhampshire in 1623. He was a successful offi- 
cer, but like many others was doomed to fall by savage hands. 
In addition to what is found in this history, and Penhallow's 
Indian Wars, a memoir may be seen in I of Farmer and 
Moore's Col. 241, 251. He was engaged in the masting busi- 
ness in Exeter, where he lived, and having some fine trees 
fallen in the woods, went with 17 men to peel the bark off, 
to save them from the worms ; but a party of Indians, on 
23 June, 1710, fired upon them from an ambush, and killed 
the Colonel and two more. Colonel Daniel Plumer of Ep- 
ping, informs me that the place where they were killed is 
in the present town of Epping, N. H. Perhaps not far from 
what is now called the mast way. 

f Commander of the Jersey frigate. 

J Commander of the frigate Gosport. 

§ May 15. || See note on page 255. 

if A small woody island about 5 miles south easterly from 
Montinicus. 

17 



258 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

of whU could be discovered. [Here] 1 they met wLti 
old Lafaure,* with his two sons, Thomas and Timo- 
thy, and a Canada Indian. 

The enemy seeing that they were discovered, threw 
down their ducks and eggs, who had got a consider- 
able quantity of each, and ran to their canoes, getting 
into them, stood directly for the main. [On] look- 
ing behind them perceived the whaleboats to gain so 
fast upon them, clapt side by side, and all four got 
into one canoe, which proved of little advantage to 
them. For the whaleboats gained so much upon 
them, and got so near, that Captain Cook, firing at 
the steersman, which was the Indian, and happened 
to graze his skull, and quite spoiled his paddling. 
Upon which old Lafaure, and sons, seeing their com- 
panion's condition, soon begged for quarter, and had 
it granted. The two Captains with their success 
presently returned to their commander taking care 
that their captives should not discourse together be- 
fore they were examined. When brought to Colonel 
Church, he ordered them to be apart, and first pro- 
ceeded to examine old Lafaure, whom he found to 
be very surly and cross ; so that he could gain no 
intelligence by him. 

Upon which the commander was resolved to put 
in practice what he had formerly done at Senecto.f 
Ordering the Indians to make two large heaps of dry 
wood, at some distance one from the other, and to set 
a large stake in the ground, close to each heap. 
Then [he] ordered the two sons Thomas and Timo- 
thy, to be brought, and to be bound to the stakes ; 
also ordering his Indians to paint themselves with co- 
lours, which they had brought for that use. Then 
the Colonel proceeded to examine, first Timothy; 
l [where] 

* Penhallow, S3, in N. H. Hist. Col. I, calls him Monsieur 
Lafebure. 

f The place, which on page 228, is spelt Senactaca. See 
note 2 of that page. 



ssJ 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 259 

[he] 1 told him, [that] he had examined his father 
already, and that if he told him the truth he would 
save his life, and take him into his service ; and that 
he should have good pay and live well. He answer- 
ed, that he would tell him the truth. And [accord- 
ingly] gave him an account of every thing [that] he 
knew, which was all minuted down. He being ask- 
ed whether his brother Thomas did not know more 
than he °l His answer was, yes, for his brother Tho- 
mas had a commission sent him from the Governour* 
of Canada, to command a company of Indians, who 
were gathered together at a place where some French 
gentlemen, lately arrived from Canada, who were 
officers, to command the rest that were to go west- 
ward to fight the English ;f and that there was sent 
to his father, and brother Tom, a considerable quan- 
tity of flour, fruit, ammunition and stores, for the 
supply of the said army. He being asked whether 
he could pilot our forces to them'? said no ; but 
his brother Tom could, for he had hid it, and that he 
was not then with him °l The Colonel asked him what 
gentlemen those were that came from Canada °l He 
i [and] 

* Vaudreuil. 

t This is supposed by the historian of Newhampshire, to 
be the army of which Penhallow gives an account ; who 
mutinied in their march " about the plunder that they had 
in view ; forgetting the proverb about dividing the skin be- 
fore the bear was killed." In consequence of their mutiny 
most of them returned ; but a subdivision of them fell upon 
Lancaster and Groton, killed two or three persons, and got 
some plunder. But this army does not correspond with the 
statement given by Dr. Belknap. See page 161, note 2. 
After Mr. Penhallow has got quite through with the expedi- 
tion of Church, and the affair under " Mr. Caleb Lyman" at 
the westward, he says, "The French in Canada were now 
forming another design on Northampton." Now it appeara 
I to me, that the Doctor is out in his conjecture, and that the 
army mentioned by Penhallow was not the one mentioned by 
our a ithor. And had he looked into Dr. Douglass, Summa- 
ry, I, 557, he would have found more particulars about it. 



260 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

answered, " Monsieur Gourdan,* ai d Mr. Sharkee." 
Being asked where they were °l answered, " At Pas- 
samaquado, building a fort there." Being also asked 
what number of Indians and French there were at 
Penobscot? he answered, [that] there were several 
families, but they lived scattering. Asked him far- 
ther, if he would pilot our forces thither °l [He] an- 
swered [that] he would if the commander would not 
let the savages roast him. Upon which the Colonel 
ordered him to be loosed from the stake, and took 
him by the hand, told him, he would be as kind to 
him as his own father ; at which he seemed to be 
very thankful. 

And then the Colonel proceeded to examine his 
brother Tom. [He] 1 told him that he had examined 
his father and brother ; and that his brother had told 
him every tittle [that] he knew ; and that he knew 
more than his brother Timothy did; and that if 
he would be ingenuous and confess all he knew, he 
should fare as well as his brother. But if not, the 
savages should roast him. Whereupon he solemnly 
promised that he would, and that he would pilot him 
to every thing he knew, to the value of a knife and 
sheath (which without doubt he did.) 

Then the Colonel immediately gave orders for the 
whaleboats to be ready, and went directly over where 
the said goods and stores were, and found them as 
informed, took them on board the boats, and return- 
ed to their transports. And ordering provisions to 
be put into every man's knapsack for six or eight days ; 
so in the dusk of the evening left their transports, 
with orders how they should act, and went directly 
for the main land of Penobscot, and mouth of that 
i [and] 

* Guorden appears to be the true orthography of this name. 
He was afterward taken as will presently be seen. Sharkee 
made a very narrow escape with his wife into the woods. 
Penhallow, 17, says he was taken, but he must be mistaken- 
This errour is not noted in the N. H. Hist Soc. Col. See 
page 24. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 261 

river, with their pilots, Tom and Timothy, who car- 
ried them directly to every place and habitation 
both of French and Indians thereabouts, (with the as- 
sistance of one De Young* whom they carried out of 
Boston jail for the same purpose, [and he] 1 was ser- 
viceable to them.) 

Being there we killed and took every one, both 
French and Indians ; not knowing that any one did 
escape in all Penobscot. Among those that were 
taken was St. Casteen's daughter, who said that her 
husband was gone to France, to her father, Monsieur 
Casteen.f She having her children with her, the 
commander was very kind to her and them. All the 
prisoners that were then taken, held to one story in 
general, which they had from Lafaure's sons, [viz.,] 
that there were no more Indians thereabouts, but 
enough of them at Passamequado. Upon which they 
returned to their transports with their prisoners and 
plunder. 

The commander giving order immediately for the 
soldiers in the whaleboats to have a recruit of pro- 
visions for a further pursuit of the enemy. Giving 
orders to the transports to stay a few days more there, 
and then go to Mountdesart, (and there to stay for 
her Majesty's ships, who were directed to come 
thither,) and there to wait his further order. 

Then Colonel Church with his forces immediately 
embarked on board their whaleboats, and proceeded 
to scour the coast, and to try, if they could discover 
any of the enemy coming from Passamequado ; mak- 
ing their stops in the day time at all the points and 
places where they were certain [that] the enemy 
would land, or come by with their canoes, and at 
night to their paddles. Then coming near where the 
i [who] 

* In Penhallow, 17, his name is written D'Young and ni»t 
D. Young as reprinted in Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. I, 33. 
f Baron De St. Castine. See note 1, on page 164. 



262 FRENCH AND INDJAN WARS. 

vessels were ordered to come, having made no dis- 
covery of the enemy, went directly to Mountdesart, 
where the transports were just come. And taking 
some provisions for his soldiers, gave directions for ,- 
the ships and transports in six days to come directly 
to Passamequado, where they should find him and 
his forces. 

Then immediately moved away in the whaleboats, 
and made diligent search along shore, as formerly, 
inspecting all places where the enemy was likely 
to lurk : Particularly at Machias, but found neither 
fires nor tracks. Coming afterwards to the west har- 
bour at Passamequado, where they entered upon ac- 
tion. An account whereof Colonel Church did com- 
municate to his excellency, being as followeth. 

" May it please your Excellency, 
* I received yours of this instant, October ninth, 
with the two inclosed informations, that concern my 
actions at Passamequado, which I will give a just 
and true account of, as near as possibly I can, viz 
On the seventh of June last, 1704, in the evening, 
we entered in at the westward harbour at said Pas- 
samequado. Coming up said harbour to an island, 
where landing, we came to a French house, and took 
a French woman and children. The woman upon her 
examination, said her husband was abroad a fishing. 
I asked her, whether there were any Indians there- 
abouts °l she said ' Yes, there were a great many, and 
several on that island.' I asked her, whether she 
could pilot me to them? said 'No, they hid in the 
woods.' I asked her, when she saw them 9 answer- 
ed, ' Just now, or a little while since.' I asked her 
whether she knew where they had laid the canoes 9 
she answered ' No, they carried their canoes into the 
woods with them.' We then hastened away along 
shore, seizing what prisoners we could, taking old 
Lotriel and his family. 

This intelligence caused me to leave Colonel Gor- 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 263 

ham, and a considerable part of my men, and boats 
with him at that island; partly to guard and secure 
those prisoners. Being sensible it would be a great 
trouble to have them to secure and guard at our next 
landing, where I did really expect, and hoped to have 
an opportunity, to fight our Indian enemies. Fcr all 
our French prisoners that we had taken at Penobscot, 
and along shore, had informed us, that when we 
came to the place where these Canada gentlemen 
lived, we should certainly meet with the savages to 
fight us; those being the only men that set the In- 
dians against us, or upon us, and were newly come 
from Canada, to manage the war against us. (Plead- 
ing in this account and information their own inno- 
cency.) And partly in hopes that he, the said Co- 
lonel Gorham, would have a good opportunity in the 
morning to destroy some of those our enemies, (we 
were informed [of,] by the said French women as 
above) with the use of his boats as I had given di- 
rection. 

Ordering also Major Hilton to pass over to the 
next island, that lay east of us with a small party of 
men and boats, to surprise and destroy any of the 
enemy, that in their canoes might go here and there, 
from any place, to make their flight from us ; and, 
as he had opportunity, to take any French prisoners. 

We then immediately moved up the river, in the 
dark night, through great difficulty, by reason of the 
eddies and whirlpools, made with the fierceness of 
the current. And here it may be hinted, that we 
had information, that Lotriel had lost part of his 
family passing over to the next island, falling into 
one of those eddies were drowned, which the two pi- 
lots told* to discourage me. But I said nothing of 
that nature shall do it. For I was resolved to ven- 
ture up, and therefore, forthwith paddling our boats 
as privately as we could, and with as much expedi- 
tion as we could make with our paddles and the 
help of a strong tide, we came up to Monsieur Gour- 



264 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

dan's a little before day. Where taking notice of 
the shore, and finding it somewhat open and clear, I 
ordered Captain Mirick and Captain Cole, having 
English companies, to tarry with several of the boats 
to be ready, that if any of the enemy should come 
down out of the brush into the bay (it being very 
broad in that place) with their canoes, they might 
take and destroy them. 

Ordering the remainder of the army, (being land- 
ed,) with myself and the other officers, to march up 
into the woods with a wide front, and to keep at a 
considerable distance ; for that if they should run in 
heaps, the enemy would have the greater advantage. 
And further directing them, that if possible, they 
should destroy the enemy with their hatchets, and 
not fire a gun. This order I always gave at land- 
ing; telling them the inconveniency of firing, in 
that it might be, first, dangerous to themselves, they 
being many of them young soldiers. (As I had 
sometime observed; that one or two guns being fired 
many others would fire, at they knew not what, as 
happened presently after.) And it would alarm the 
enemy, and give them the opportunity to make their 
escape ; and it might alarm the whole country, and 
also prevent all further action from taking effect. 

Orders being thus passed, we moved directly to- 
wards the woods. Le Faver's* son directing us to a 
little hut or wigwam, which we immediately surround- 
ed with a few men. The rest marching directly up 
into the woods, to see what wigwams or huts they 
could discover. Myself made a little stop, ordering 
the pilot to tell them in the hut, that they were sur- 
rounded with an army, and that if they would come 
forth and surrender themselves, they should have 
good quarter ; but if not, they should be all knocked 
on the head and die. 

One of them showed himself, [and] I asked who 

* The same, who in the late preceding pages is called La* 
faure. See note ] , on page 258. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 265 

he was °l He said { Gourdan ;' and begged for quar- 
ter. I told him he should have good quarter ; add- 
ing further, that if there were any more in the house, 
they should come out. Then came out two men. 
Gourdan said, they were his sons, and asked quarter 
for them, which was also granted. Then came out 
a woman, and a little boy. She fell upon her knees, 
begged quarter for herself and children, and that I 
would not suffer the Indians to kill them. I told 
them they should have good quarter, and not be 
hurt. After which I ordered a small guard over 
them, and so moved presently up with the rest of my 
company after them that were gone before. But 
looking on my right hand, over a little run, 1 saw 
something look black just by me ; [I] stopped and 
heard a talking ; [then] stepped over, and saw a little 
hut or wigwam, with a crowd of people round about 
it, which was contrary to my former directions. [P 
asked them what they were doing 1 ? They repli- 
ed, [that] there were some of the enemy in a house 
and would not come out. I asked what house ** 
they said, ' A bark house.' I hastily bid them pull 
it down, and knock them on the head, never asking 
whether they were French or Indians ; they being 
all enemies alike to me.* 

* The Colonel was much blamed for this hasty step ; and 
Hutchinson says, II, 133, that he "excused himself but indif- 
ferently." Of which, however, the reader may judge as 
well as he. It does not appear from a long career of useful 
services, that Church was ever rash or cruel. From the ex- 
traordinary situation of his men, rendered doubly critical 
from the darkness of the night, and the almost certain intel- 
ligence, that a great army of the enemy were at hand, is 
thought to be sufficient excuse for the measure ; the remark 
of Hutchinson to the contrary notwithstanding. The same 
author, II, 128, excuses the French and Indians for their 
cruelty in putting to death prisoners at the destruction of 
Deerfield ; because it was necessary to their own preserva- 
tion, and the English had done so too , and gives for exam- 
ple the action of Henry V, who, after the celebrated battle 
of Agincourt, put to death a multitude of his French priso* 

M 



266 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

And passing then to them, and seeing Jiem m 
great disorder, so many of the army in a crowd to- 
gether, acting so contrary to my command and di- 
rection, exposing themselves and the whole army to 
utter ruin, by their so disorderly crowding thick to- 
gether. Had an enemy come upon them in that in- 
terim, and fired a volley amongst them, they could 
not have missed a shot. And wholly neglecting 
their duty in not attending my orders, in searching 
diligently for our lurking enemies in their wigwams, 
or by their fires, where I had great hopes, and real 
expectations to meet with them. 

I most certainly know that I was in an exceeding 
great passion ; but not with those poor miserable 
enemies ; for I took no notice of a half a dozen of 
the enemy, when at the same time I expected to be 
engaged with some hundreds of them ; of whom we 
nad a continued account, who were expected from 
Portroyal side. In this heat of action, every word 
that I then spoke, I cannot give an account of; and 
I presume it is impossible. 

I stopped but little here, but went directly up in- 
to the woods, hoping to be better employed with the 
rest of the army. I listened to hear, and looked 
earnestly to see what might be the next action. 
But meeting with many of the soldiers they told me 
[that] they had discovered nothing ; we fetching a 
small compass round, came down again. 

It being pretty dark, I took notice, [that] I saw 
two men lay dead, as I thought, at the end of the 
house where the door was; and immediately the 

ners, that greatly exceeded the number of bis own army. 
This was in a barbarous age ; being 200 years before the 
settlement of Newengland. H ence it would have been much 
easier for him to excuse our hero than the enemy. For ac- 
cording to the usages of war, he would have been justified in 
putting to death prisoners at such a critical time. But these 
were enemies who would not submit ; or what amounted to 
the same thing, they would not come out of their house 
when ordered by the forces. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 267 

guns went off, and they fired every man, as I thought, 
and most towards that place where I left the guard 
with Monsieur Gourdan. I had much ado to stop 
the firing, and told them, I thought they were mad ; 
and [that] I believed they had not killed and wound- 
ed less than forty or fifty of our own men. And I 
asked them what they shot at *? they answered, ' At 
a Frenchman that ran away.' But to admiration no 
man was killed but he, [the Frenchman] and one of 
our men wounded in the leg. And I turning about, 
a Frenchman spoke to me, and I gave him quarter. 

Daylight coming on, and no discovery made of the 
enemy, I went to the place where I had left Mon- 
sieur Gourdan, to examine him and his sons, who 
agreed in their examinations ; told me two of their 
men were abroad. It proved a damage. And 
further told me, that Monsieur Sharkee lived several 
leagues up, at. the head of the river, at the falls, and 
all the Indians were fishing, and tending their corn 
there; and that Monsieur Sharkee had sent down 
to him, to come up to him, to advise about the In- 
dian army* that was to go westward. But he had 
returned him answer, [that] his business was urgent, 
and he could not come up ; and that Sharkee, and 
the Indians would certainly be down that day, or the 
next at the furthest, to come to conclude of that 
matter. 

This was a short night's action, and all sensible 
men do well know, that actions done in the dark, 
(being in the night aforesaid) under so many dif- 
ficulties, as we then laboured as before related, 
was a very hard task for one man, matters being cir- 
cumstanced as in this action, which would not admit 
of calling a council ; and at that time could not be 
confined thereunto. At which time I was transport- 
ed above fear, or any sort of dread ; yet, being sensi- 
ble of the danger in my army's crowding so thick 
together, and of the great duty incumbent on me, 

■ See note 2, of page 259. 



268 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 

to preserve them from all danger [that] I possibly 
could, for further improvement in the destruction of 
our implacable enemies, am ready to conclude, that 
I was very quick and ^absolute in giving such com- 
mands and orders, as I then apprehended most pro- 
per and advantageous. And had it not been for the 
intelligence I had received from the French, we took 
at Penobscot, as before hinted ; and the false report 
[that] the French women (first took) gave me, I had 
not been in such haste. 

I question not, but those Frenchmen that were slain, 
had the same good quarter of other prisoners. But 
I ever looked on it, a good providence of Almighty 
God, that some few of our cruel and bloody enemies 
were made sensible of their bloody cruelties, perpe- 
trated on my dear and loving friends and countrymen ; 
and that the same measure (in part) meeted to them, 
as they had been guilty of, in a barbarous manner at 
Deerfield ; and, I hope, justly. I hope God Almighty 
will accept hereof, although it may not be eligible to 
our French implacable enemies, and such others as 
are not our friends. 

The foregoing journal, and this short annexment, 
I thought it my duty to exhibit, for the satisfaction of 
my friends and countrymen, whom I very faithfully 
and willingly served in the late expedition. And I 
hope will find acceptance with your excellency, the 
honourable council and Representatives now assem- 
bled, as being done from the zeal I had in the said 
service of her Majesty, and her good subjects here. 
I remain your most humble and obedient servant, 
BENJAMIN CHURCH." 

This night's service being over, immediately Col- 
onel Church leaves a sufficient guard with Gourdan 
and the other prisoners, moved in some whaleboats 
with the rest; and as they were going, spied a 
small thing upon the water at a great distance, which 
proved to be a birch canoe with two Indians in her 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 269 

The Colonel presently ordered the lightes boat he 
had, to make the best of her way, and #ut them off 
from the shore. But the Indians perceiving their de- 
sign, ran their canoe ashore and fled. Colonel 
Church fearing [that] they would run directly to 
Sharkee, made all the expedition imaginable. But 
it being ebb, and the water low, was obliged to land, 
and make the best of their way through the woods, 
hoping to intercept the Indians, and get to Sharkee's 
house before them, which was two miles from where 
our forces landed. 

The Colonel being ancient and unwieldy, desired 
Sergeant fEdee to run with him. And coming to 
sevcrafcees fallen ; which he could not creep under, 
or readily get over, would lay his breast against the 
tree; the said Edee turning him over, generally had 
catluck, falling on his feet, by which means [he] 
kept in the front. And coming near to Sharkee's 
house, discovered some French and Indians making 
a wear* in the river, and presently discovered the two 
Indians aforementioned, who called to them at work 
in the river, [and] told them, [that] " there was an 
army of English an Indians just by." [They] 1 im- 
mediately left their work and ran, endeavouring to 
get to Sharkee's house. [He] 2 hearing the noise, 
took his lady and child and ran into the woods. Our 
men running briskly, fired and killed one of the In- 
dians, and took the rest prisoners. 

Then going to Sharkee's house found a woman and 
child, to whom they gave good quarter. And find- 
ing that Madam Sharkee had left her silk clothes and 
fine linen behind her, our forces were desirous to have 
pursued and taken her. But Colonel Church forbade 
them ; saying he would have her run and suffer, that 
Bhe might be made sensible, what hardships our poor 
people had suffered by them, &c. [He] then pro- 
i [who] 2 [ w ho] 

• Or, wier, a rack to catch fish in. 



270 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

ceeded to examine the prisoners newly taken, who 
gave him the same account [that] he had before, of 
the Indians being up at the falls, &c. It being just 
night, prevented our attacking them that night. 

But next morning early, they moved up to the falls 
which was about a mile higher. But doubtless the 
enemy had some intelligence by the two aforesaid In- 
dians, before our forces came, so that they all got on 
the other side of the river, and left some of their 
goods by the water side to decoy our men, that so 
they might fire upon them ; which indeed they effect- 
ed. But through the good providence of God, never 
a man of ours was killed, and but one slightly wound- 
ed. After a short dispute, Colonel Church ordered 
that every man might take what they pleased of the 
fish, which lay bundled up, and to burn the rest, 
which was a great quantity. The enemy seeing what 
our forces were about, and that their stock of fish 
was destroyed, and the season being over for getting 
any more, set up a hideous cry, and so ran all away 
into the woods. They being all on the other side of 
the river, ours could not follow them. 

Having done, our forces marched down to their boats, 
at Sharkee's, and took their prisoners, beaver, and 
other plunder which they had got, and put it into 
their boats, and went down to Gourdan's house, where 
they had left Lieutenant Colonel Gorham, and Major 
Hilton, with part of the forces to guard the prisoners, 
(and kept a good look out for more of the enemy) 
who upon the Colonel's return, gave him an account 
1 that they had made no discovery of the enemy since 
he left them, &c. 

Just then her Majesty's ships and transports arriv- 
ing, the commanders of her Majesty's ships told Col- 
onel Church, that they had orders to go directly for 
/ Portroyal gut, and wait the coming of some store 
ships,* which were expected at Portroyal from France. 

• No ships arrived, or at least, we have no account of any. 
Holmes, II, 65, mentions, sub anno 1705, that a rich ship 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 271 

And Colonel Church advising with them, proposed 
that it was very expedient and serviceable to the 
crown, that Captain Southack in the Province galley 
should accompany them, which they did readily ac- 
quiesce with him in. 

Upon which, the Colonel immediately embarked 
his forces on board the transports, and himself on 
board Captain Jarvis, ordering the commrssary of the 
stores, the minister, surgeons and pilots all to embark 
on board the same vessel with him. Ordering all 
the whaleboats to be put on board the transports, and 
then to come to sail. The ships standing away for 
Portroyal gut, and Colonel Church with the trans- 
ports for Menis. In their way the Colonel inquired 
of their pilot, Fellows, what depth of water there was 
in the creek, near the town of Menis °l he answered 
him, that there was water enough, near the town, to 
float that vessel, they were in, at low water. 

So, when coming near, Colonel Church observed a 
.voody island between them and the town, that they 
ran up on the back side of, (the said island) with 
all their transports, undiscovered to the enemy, and 
came to anchor. Then the Colonel and all his for- 
ces embarked in the whaleboats. It being late in the 
day, [they] moved directly for the town ; and in the 
way asked for the pilot, who, he expected, was in one 
of the boats; but he had given him the slip, and tar- 
ried behind. The Colonel not knowing the difficul- 
ties that might attend their going up to the town, im- 
mediately sent Lieutenant Giles, who could speak 
French, with a flag of truce up to the town, (with a 

named the Siene, was taken, the preceding autumn, by the 
English ; and that she was bound to Quebeck, with a cargo 
amounting to nearly a million of livres. But this was in 
June, hence it does not agree with the supposition that said 
ship was taken by Church's convoy. He cites Charlevoix, 
and the Universal History. Dr. Douglass, I, 557, in this, 
as well as many other cases, comes happily to our relief. He 
informs us, that this ship * : was taken by an English Vir- 
ginia Fleet." 



272 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

summons, which was written before they landed,) ex 
pecting their surrender, which is as followeth. 

" Aboard her Majesty's Ship Adventure, near tlie gut 
ofMenis, June 20, 1704. 

An agreement made by the field officers commanding 
her Majesty's forces for the present expedition 
against the French enemies, and Indian rebels. 

Agreed, that a declaration or summons be sent on 
shore at Menis and Portroyal, under a flag of truce. 

Particularly, we do declare to you, the many cruel- 
ties and barbarities that you and the Indians have 
been guilty of towards us, in laying waste our coun- 
try here in the east at Casco, and the places adja- 
cent. Particularly, the horrid action at Deerfield, 
this last winter, in killing, massacreing, murdering 
and scalping, without giving any notice at all, or op- 
portunity to ask quarter at your hands ; and, after all, 
carrying the remainder into captivity in the height 
of winter, (of which they killed many in the journey) 
and exposed the rest to the hardships of cold and 
famine, worse than death itself. Which cruelties we 
are yet every day exposed unto and exercised with. 

We do also declare, that we have already made 
some beginnings of killing and scalping some Cana- 
da men, (which we have not been wont to do or al- 
low) and are now come with a great army of English 
and Indians, all volunteers, with resolutions to sub- 
due you, and make you sensible of your cruelties to 
us, by treating you after the same manner. 

At this time we expect our men of war and tran- 
sport ships to be at Portroyal. (We having but late- 
ly parted with them.) 

In the last place, we do declare to you, that in- 
asmuch as some of you have shown kindness to our 
captives, and expressed a love to, and desire of be- 
ing under the English government, we do therefore, 
notwithstanding all this, give you timely notice, and 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 273 

do demand a surrender immediately, by the laying 
down your arms, upon which, we promise very good 
quarter ; if not, you must expect the utmost severity. 
To the chief commander of the town of Menis, 
and the inhabitants thereof, and we expect your an- 
swer, positively, within an hour. 

Benjamin Church, Col. 

John Gorham, IAeut. Col. 

Winthrop Hilton, Maj." 

Then moving to the creek, expecting to have had 
water enough for the boats, as the pilot had informed 
them, but found not water enough for a canoe. So 
[they] were obliged to land, intending to have been 
up at the town before the hour was out, that the 
summons expressed. For their return was, " that 
if our forces would not hurt their estates, then they 
would surrender, if otherwise intended, they should 
fight for them," &c. 

But meeting with several creeks, near twenty or 
thirty feet deep, which were very muddy and dirty ; 
so that the army could not get over them, [and] were 
obliged to return to their boats again, and wait till 
within night, before the tide served them to go up 
to the town. And then [they] intended to go up 
pretty near the town, and not to fall to, till morning ; 
being in hopes that the banks of the creeks would 
shelter them from the enemy. But the tide's rising 
so high, exposed them all to the enemy ; who had 
the trees and woods to befriend them ; and so came 
down in the night, and fired smartly at our forces. 
But Colonel Church being in a pinnace, that had a 
small cannon placed in the head, ordered it to be 
charged several times with bullets, in small bags, 
and fired at the enemy ; which made such a rattling 
amongst the trees, that [it] caused the enemy to 
draw off. And by the great providence of Almighty 
God, not one of our forces was hurt that night. But 
m is 



i 



274 FRENCH AMD INDIAN WARS. 

as I have been informed, [the enemy] 1 had one In- 
4 h dian killed, and some others wounded, which was 
some discouragement to [them.] 2 

Next morning, by break of day, Colonel Church 
ordered all his forces (and placed Major Hilton on 
the right wing) to run all up, driving the enemy be- 
fore them ; who leaving their town to our forces, but 
had carried away the best of their goods, which were 
soon found by our soldiers. The bulk of the enemy 
happening to lie against our right wing, caused the 
hottest dispute there. [They] 3 lay behind logs and 
trees, till our forces, and Major Hilton, who led them, 
came [ — ] 4 upon them, and forced them to run. 
And notwithstanding the sharp firing of the enemy 
at our forces, by the repeated providence of God, 
there was never a man of ours killed or wounded. 

Our soldiers not having been long in town, before 
they found considerable quantities of strong drink, 
both brandy and claret ; and being very greedy 
after it, especially the Indians, were very disorderly; 
firing at every pig, turkey, or fowl [that] they saw ; 
of which [there] were very plenty in the town, 
which endangered our own men. Colonel Church 
perceiving the disorder, and firing of his own men, 
ran to put a stop to it, [and] had several shot come 
very near him. And finding what had occasioned 
this disorder, commanded his officers to knock out 
the heads of every cask of strong liquor they could 
find in the town, to prevent any further disturbance 
among his army ; knowing, [that] it was impossible 
to have kept it from them, especially the Indians, if 
it were saved, &c. 

Then some of the army who were desirous to 
pursue the enemy, having heard them driving away 
their cattle, requested the Colonel to let them go. 
[He] 5 did, and gave them their orders. Captain 
Cooke, and Captain Church to lead the two wings 
1 [they] 2 [the enemy] 3 [ w ho] 4 [ n] 5 [ w ho] 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 275 

and Lieutenant Barker,* who led the Colonel's com- 
pany, in the centre. And the said ta^.-ua Cooke 
and Captain Church desired Lieutenant Barker not 
to move too fast; so that he might have the benefit 
of their assistance, if he had occasion. But the said 
Lieutenant not being so careful as he should have 
been, or at least was too eager, was shot down, and 
another man, which were all the men that were kill- 
ed in the whole expedition. f 

Towards night, Colonel Church ordered some of 
his forces to pull down some of the houses, and 
others to get logs and make a fortification for his 
whole army to lodge in, that night; that so they 
might be together. And just before night [he] or- 
dered some of his men to go [and] see if there were 
any men in any of the houses in the town ; [and] if 
[there were] not, to set them all on fire, which was 
done ; and the whole town seemed to be on fire all 
at once, &,c. 

The next morning the Colonel gave orders to his 
men, to dig down the dams, and let the tide in, to 
destroy all their corn, and every thing that was good 
according to his instructions ;J and to burn the for- 
tification which they had built the day before ; and 
when the tide served to put all the plunder which 
they had got into the boats. Then ordering his sol- 
diers to inarch a good distance one from another, 
which caused the enemy to think that there were no 
less than a thousand men, as they said afterwards ; 
and that the burning of the fortification, and doing 
as they did, caused the enemy to think that they were 

* Charlevoix, in his account of the taking of Menis, says, 
that the Lieutenant General of the English forces, was kill- 
ed, by which the Lieutenant of Church's company is meant. 

t Penhallow ii N. H. Hist. Col. I, 34, says " not above six 
N died in the whole expedition." 

% Thus do governments cause such horrid scenes. But is 
the crime lessened' They are considered right in the trade 
and custom of war But is it so on that account? 



276 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

gone clear off, and not to return again. But it prov- 
ed to the contrary ; for Colonel Church and his for- 
ces, only went aboard their transports, and there staid 
till the tide served. In the night [they] 1 embarked 
on board their whaleboats, landed some of their men, 
expecting they might meet with some of the enemy 
mending their dams ; which they did. And with 
their boats went up another branch of the river to 
another town or village, [and] upon such a surprise, 
[that they] took as many prisoners as they could de- 
sire. 

And it happened that Colonel Church was at the 
French Captain's house when two gentlemen came 
post from the Governour* of Portroyal to him, who 
was the chief commander at Menis, with an express 
to send away two companies of men to defend the 
King's fort there ; and to give him an account, that 
there were three English men of war come into Port- 
royal gut, or harbour ; and that the men sent for 
must be posted away with all speed. Colonel Church 
as was said before, being there, treated the two gen- 
tlemen very handsomely, and told them, [that] he 
would send them back again po f ** to their master 
upon his business. And bid them r ve (iia: ^is hearty 
thanks for sending him such good~new&, [Mi <>Bft of 
his fleet was in so good a harbour. Then reading 
the summons to them that he had sent to Menis. 
Further added, that their master, the Governour of 
Portroyal, must immediately send away a post to the 
Governour of Canada, at Quebeck, to prevent his 
further sending any of his cruel and bloody French, 
and savages, as he had lately done upon Deerfield, 
where they had committed such horrible and bloody 
outrages upon those poor people, that never did 

i jm 

* Monsirur De Subercase, this year came in to be govern- 
our of Acadie. Portroyal, I suspect, was his principal seat. 
The next year he drove the English from Newfoundland^ 
and destroyed the* r settlements. Holmes II, 65, 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 277 

them any harm, as is intolerable to think of, and 
that for the future, if any such hostilities were made 
upon our frontier towns, or any of them, he would 
come out with a thousand savages, and whaleboats 
convenient, and turn his back upon them, and let 
his savages scalp, and roast the French ; or, at least, 
treat them as their savages had treated ours. 

[He] also gave them an account of part of that 
action at Passamequado, and how that his soldiers 
had killed and scalped some Canada men there, and 
would be glad to serve them so too, if he would per- 
mit them, which terrified them very much,* &c. 
The two French gentlemen that came post, made 
solemn promises, that they would punctually do the 
Colonel's message to their Governour. So with the 
desire of the French people there, that the Govern- 
our might have this intelligence, Colonel Church 
dismissed them, and sent them away; telling the 
same story to several of the prisoners, and what they 
must expect, if some speedy course were not taken 
to prevent further outrages upon the English. The 
number of prisonersf then present, which were con- 
siderable, did unanimously entreat of Colonel Church, 
that he would take them under the protection of the 
crown of England ; making great promises of their 
fidelity to the same ; begging with great agony of 
spirit to save their lives, and to protect them from 
his savages, whom they extremely dreaded. 

As to the matter of the savages, he told them, 
[that] it would be just retaliation for him to permit 
his savages to treat the French in the same manner, 
as the French with their savages treated our friends 
in our frontier towns. But as to his taking them un» 
der the protection of the crown of England, he u' 

* This, the commander of Portroyal, says Katchir ..->« iv 
must know to be a gasconade. 

f Penhallow says, that in this expedition one hundr-"" ^n- 
soners were taken. So says Dr. Douglass, I, SO? ; r *o lably 
on the same authority. 



2** FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

terly refused it ; urging to them, their former perfi- 
diousness. They also urging to him, that it would be 
impossible for any French to live any where in the 
bay of Fundy, if they were not taken under the Eng- 
lish government. For with the benefit of the whale 
boats, (as the English called them) they could take 
and destroy all their people in the town of Menis, 
in one night. But he replied to them, [that] it should 
never be. Alleging to them, that when they were 
so before, when Portroyal was taken last by the Eng- 
lish,* that it proved of very ill consequence to the 
crown of England, and the subjects thereof in our 
frontiers. For that our English traders supplying 
them, enabled them (which opportunity they improv- 
ed) to supply the Indians, our bloody enemies; and, 
therefore, he could make no other terms of peace 
with them, tho;i, that if the French at Menis, Sig- 
necto, and Canada, would keep at home with their 
bloody savages, and not commit any hostilities upon 
any of our frontiers, we would return home and leave 
them. For that we lived at a great distance off, and 
had not come near them to hurt them now, had not 
the blood of our poor friends and brethren, in all 
the frontiers of our province cried for vengeance. 
Especially, that late unheard of barbarity committed 

* It is situated on the west side of Novascotia, on a river 
of the same name, which flows into the hay of Fundy. Men 
tion has been made of the expedition to Canada in 1690, un- 
der Sir William Phips ; the reduction of Portroyal was exe- 
cuted under the same gentleman, in the same year, hut pre- 
vious. It was commanded by Gov. Menival, who built it about 
1663. When Phips took it, it was both " ill fortified and ill 
provided." See note 1, on page 177. It was in no condition 
to stand a siege, and submitted without resistance. (Hutch- 
inson, I, 352.) But it was, in 1705, retaken by the French. 
Again ir. 1710, a large armament under Col. Nicholson went 
against it, of which they made an easy conquest. There 
were but 260 men to defend it. The English had 5 frigates, 
5 lower rates, and 24 transports. After it was ta'ren # the 
name was changed from Port Royal to Annapolis loyal, 
which it vet retains. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 279 

upon the town of Deerfield ; which wrought so gene- 
rally on the hearts of our people, that our forces 
came out with that unanimity of spirit, both among 
the English and our savages, that we had not, nor 
needed a pressed man among them. The Colonel 
also telling them, that if ever hereafter any of our 
frontiers, east or west, were molested by them, as 
formerly, that he would, (if God spared his life) and 
they might depend upon it, return upon them with a 
thousand of his savages, (if he wanted them,) all vo- 
lunteers, with our whaleboats, and pursue them to 
the last extremity. 

The Colonel's warm discourse with them, wrought 
such a consternation in them, which they discovered 
by their panick fears and trembling, their hearts sen- 
sibly beating, and rising up, as it were, ready to choke 
them. [They] confessed, that they were all his pri- 
soners, and begged of him, for JESUS' sake, to save 
their lives, and the lives of their poor families, with 
such melting terms, as wrought relentings in the 
Colonel's breast towards them. But however, he told 
them, that his intent was to carry as many prisoners 
home as he could ; but that he had taken so many, 
they were more than he had occasion for, nor desired 
any more; and, therefore, he would leave them. 

The Colonel resolving the next day to complete all 
his action at Menis, and so draw off. Accordingly, 
[he] sent his orders to Colonel Gorham and Major 
Hilton, with all the English companies, both officers 
and soldiers, except some few, which he thought he 
might have occasion for, to go with the Indians in the 
whaleboats, up the eastward river, where a third oart 
of the inhabitants lived. That so he might prevent 
any reflection made on them, in leaving any part of 
the service undone. And therefore, in the evening, 
ordered all the whaleboats to be laid ready for the 
night's service. And, accordingly when the tide serv- 
ed, he went with his Indians up the river, where they 
dL some spoil upon the enemy going up. 



280 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

In the morning, several of their transports came to 
meet them, to their great rejoicing, whom they went 
on board [of] and soon came up with the whole fleet, 
with whom they joined, bending their course directly 
towards Portrayal, where they were ordered. Com- 
ing to Portroyal gut, where their ships were, and call- 
ing a council according to his instructions, drew up 
their result, which is as followeth.* 

" Present all the Field Officers and Captains of the 
land forces, aboard the province Galley, 4th July, 
1704, in Portroyal harbour. 

We whose names are hereunto subscribed, having 
deliberately considered the cause in hand, whether it 
be proper to land all our forces, to offend and destroy 
as much as we can at Portroyal, all or any part of the 
inhabitants thereof, and their estates, we are of opin- 
ion, that it is not for our interest and honour, and the 
sountry's whom we serve, to land and expose our- 
selves ; but quit it wholly, and go on about our other 
business, we have to do; for this reason, that we 
judge ourselves inferiour to the strength of the ene- 
my ; and, therefore, the danger and risk we run, is 
greater than the advantage we can, or are likely to 
obtain ; seeing, the enemy hath such timely notice, 
and long opportunity to provide themselves against 
us; by our ships' lying here in the road about twelve 
days before we could join them from Menis, where 
we were during that time, and being so meanly pro- 
vided with necessaries, convenient for such an under- 
taking with so small a number of men, not being 
four hundred, capable and fit for service to land; 
and, understanding, by all the intelligence we can 

* That any steps should be taken, or even any thing said 
about reducing Portroyal, may seem strange, after they had 
been so peremptorily refused, by the Governour, as has "been 
relate^?, in the preceding history. See page 253. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 281 

get, from both English, and French prisoners, that 
the fort is exceeding strong. 

John Gorham, Lieut. Col. 

Winthrop Hilton, Major, 

Jno. Brown, 

James Cole, 

John Cook, 

Isaac Myrick, 

John Harradon, 

Constant Church, 

John Dyer, 

Joshua Lamb, 

Caleb Williamson, 

Edward Church." 

" Having pursuant to my instructions, taken the ad- 
vice of the gentlemen above subscribed, and cor 
sidering the weight of their reasons, I do concu 
therewith. BENJAMIN CHURCH." 

"Whereas Colonel Church hath desired our opin- 
ions, as to the landing the forces at Portroyal, they 
being but four hundred effective men to land ; and 
by all the information, both of French and English 
prisoners, the enemy having a greater number of men, 
and much better provided to receive, than they are 
to attack them, we do believe, it is for the service of 
the crown, and the preservation of her Majesty's sub- 
jects, to act as above mentioned. 

Thomas Smith, 
George Rogers, 
Cyprian Southack * 

After this they concluded what should be next 
done, which was, that the ships should stay some days 
longer at Portroyal gut, and then go over to Mount- 
desart harbour, and there stay till Colonel Church 
with his transports, came to them. 

Being all ready, the Colonel with his transports and 
forces went up the bay to Signecto, where they need- 



J 



282 , FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS 

ed not a pilot, being several of them well acquainted 
there. (And [they] had not met with so many diffi- 
culties at Menis, had it not been that their pilot de- 
ceived them, who knew nothing of the matter, [and] 
kept out of the way, and landed not with them, &c.) 
And coming to Signecto, the enemy were all in arms 
to receive them. Colonel Church landing his men, 
the commander of the enemy waving his sword over 
his head, bid a challenge to them. The Colonel or- 
dering his two wings to march up apace, and come 
upon the backs of the enemy. Himself being in the 
centre, and the enemy knowing him, (having been 
there before) shot chiefly at him. But through God's 
goodness, received no harm ; neither had he one man 
killed, nor but two slightly wounded ; and then all ran 
into the woods, and left their town with nothing in it. 
Having had timely notice of our forces' [coming, they] 
had carried all away out of the reach of our army; 
for Colonel Church while there with part of his for- 
ces, ranged the woods, but to no purpose. Then re- 
turning to the town, did them what spoil he could, 
according to his instructions, and so drew off, and 
made the best*of their way for Passamequado. And 
going in, in a great fog, one of their transports ran 
upon a rock, but was soon got off again. 

Then Colonel Church with some of his forces em- 
barked in their whaleboats, and went amongst the 
islands, with an intent to go to Sharkee's where they 
had destroyed the fish. But observing a springy 
place in a cove, went on shore to get some water to 
drink. It being a sandy beach, they espied tracks ; 
the Cclonel presently ordered his men to scatter and 
make search. [They] soon found De Boisses'* wife, 
who had fornierly been Colonel Church's prisoner, 
and carried to Boston, but returned ; who seemed 
very glad to see him. She had with her, two sons, 
that were near men grown The Colonel ordering 
them apart, examined the woman first, who gave him 
this account following. That she had lived there* 

* Dubois. Pronounced Duboj. 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 283 

abouts ever since the fleet went by ; and that she 
had never seen but two Indians since, who came in 
a canoe from Norrigwock ;* [and that they] 1 asked 
her, ' what made her to be there alone V she told 
them [that] she had not seen a Frenchman nor an 
Indian, except those two, since the English ships 
went by. Then the Indians told her, 'there was not 
one Indian left, except those two, who belonged to 
the gut of Canso, on this side of Canada. For those 
friars coming down with the Indians to Monsieur 
Gourdan's ; and finding the Frenchmen slain, and their 
hair spoiled, being scalped, put them into a great 
consternation. And the friars told them it was im- 
possible for them to live thereabouts ; for the Eng- 
lish with their whaleboats would serve them all so ; 
upon which they all went to Norrigwock.' Also 
told her that ' when the English came along through 
Penobscot, they had swept it of the inhabitants, as if 
it had been swept with a broom ; neither French nor 
Indians escaping them.' [And,] further told her, 
that when their fathers, the friars, and the Indians 
met together at Norrigwock, they called a council, 
and the friars told the Indians, that they must look 
out for some other country, for that it was impossi- 
ble for them to live there.' Also told them [that] 
' there was a river called Mossipee,f where they mignt 
live quietly, and no English come near them ; it be- 
ing as far beyond Canada as it was to it, &c, and if 
they would go and live there ; they would live and 
die with them ; but if not they would leave them, 
and never come near them again.' Whereupon 
they all agreed to go away, which they did ; and left 
their rough household stuff, and co A *n behind them; 
and went all, except those two, for Canada. Also 
her sons giving the same intelligence, so we had no 
reason to think, but that it was true. 
1 [who] 

* Nor idgewock. See note 1, on page 237. 
t The river Mississippi 1 suppose was meant 



284 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

Colonel Church having done what he could there, 
embarked on board the transports, and went to 
Mountdesart. [He] found no ships there, but a 
rundlet, rid off by a line in the harbour, which he 
ordered to be taken up. And opening of it, found a 
letter, which gave him an account that the ships 
were gone home for Boston. 

Then he proceeded and went to Penobscot. Where 
being come, [they] made diligent search in those 
parts for the enemy ; but could not find, or make any 
discovery of them ; or that any had been there, since 
he left those parts ; which caused him to believe 
what De Boisses' wife had told him was true. 

I will, only by the way, just give a hint of what 
we heard since, of the effects of this expedition, and 
then proceed. First, that the English forces that 
went next to Norrigwock, found that the enemy was 
gone, and had left their rough household stuff, and 
corn behind them.* 

Also, not long after this expedition, there were 
several gentlemenf sent down from Canada, to con- 

* Reference is here made, it is thought, to the expedition 
under Col. Hilton, in the winter of 1705. He with 250 Eng- 
lish, and 20 Indians (Dr. Douglass says he had hut 220 men) 
repaired to Norridgewock on snow shoes, but found no ene- 
mies to eontend with. They burned the deserted wigwams, 
and a chapel, and then returned. See Belknap, I, 268, and 
Penhallow, 28. 

About the same time an express was ordered with snow 
shoes for the frontiers, but was intercepted by a scout from 
Montreal, who robbed him of 50 pounds in money ; which, on 
being taken to Canada, the Governour converted it into a 
bowl, and called it the Newengland gift. lb., or N. H. Hist. 
Soc. Col. I, 43. 

t Hutchinson, II, 141, sub anno 1706, mentions that 4 or 5 
persons were sent to Canada " for the exchange of prisoners, 
who brought back Mr. Williams, the minister, and many of 
the inhabitants of Deerfield, with other captives." He men- 
tions no more than one's being sent from Canada, and that, 
after ours had been sent there. Hence it appears that he 
was not very well acquainted with the affair ; for Penhal- 
low's history was extant before he wrote, who gives the par- 
ticulars about it, viz.., that on " the 4 May 1705, Capt. Hill, 



FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 235 

cert with our Governour about the settling of a car- 
tel for the exchange of prisoners ; and that the Gov- 
ernour* of Canada has never since sent down an 
army upon our frontiers,, (that I know of) except 
sometimes a scout of Indians to take some prisoners, 
that he might be informed of our state, and what we 
were acting, &c. And always took care that the 
prisoners so taken, should be civilly treated, and 
safely returned, as I have been informed. [Also,] 
tnat some of the prisoners that were taken gave an 
account [to this effect;] so that we have great cause 
to believe, that the message [which] Colonel Church 
sent by the two French gentlemen from Menis, to 
the Governour of Portroyal, took effect, and was a 
means to bring peace in our borders, &c. 

Then Colonel Church with his forces embarked on 
board the transports, and went to Casco bay, where 
they met with Captain Gallop, in a vessel from Bos- 
ton, who had brought Colonel Church further orders; 
which were, to send some of his forces up to Norrig- 
wock, in pursuit of the enemy. But he being sensi- 
ble that the enemy were gone from thence, and that 
his soldiers were much worn out, and fatigued in the 
hard service they had already done, and wanted to 
get home, [he] called a council, and agreed, all to 
go home ; which, accordingly they did. 

To conclude this expedition, I will just give a hint 
of some treatment,! [which] Colonel Church had be- 

who was formerly taken at Wells and carried to Canada, 
was from thence sent to concert the exchange of prisoners.'* 
He gave information that there were about 187 English 
prisoners with the French and Indians. " Upon the advice 
hereof," the persons mentioned by Hutchinson, were sent to 
Canada, and succeeded in rescuing about 60 captives. The 
French Governour was kept in suspense by the management 
of Governour Dudley. He wished for a neutrality, and dur- 
ing the time, the frontiers enjoyed peace and tranquillity. 
Hutchinson, ib. 

* VaudreuU. * 

t It appears that Church was censured wrongfullv, and 
for soaie time, bore the faults, due only to others. For it 



286 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 

fore and after he came home. For all his great ex 
penses, fatigues and hardships, in and about this ex- 
pedition, viz., he received of his excellency fifteen 
pounds, as an earnest penny, towards raising volun- 
teers. And after he came to receive his deben- 
ture for his Colonel's pay, there were two shillings and 
four pence due to him. And as for his Captain's 
pay* and man Jack ; he has never received any thing 
as yet. 

Also, after he came home, some ill minded per- 
sons did their endeavour to have taken away his life, 
for there were some of the French enemy killed, ] 
[in] this expedition. But his excellency the Gov- 
ernour, the honourable council, and the house of 
representatives, saw cause to clear him, and gave him 
thanks for his good service done. J 

was generally thought by the people, that Col. Church went 
on this expedition, for the express purpose of reducing Port- 
royal, as it was, by the government, styled the "Portroyal ex- 
pedition," or, as entered on the council books " an expedition 
to Portroyal," not knowing that he was strictly ordered to 
the contrary ; therefore, we are not surprised that he should 
be blamed, until the truth should be known. The Govern- 
our was accused of preserving that place to benefit himself 
by an illegal trade with the inhabitants. However this may 
be, he excused himself by saying, that he had no orders from 
the Queen to go against it ; and that her Majesty was to 
send over in the spring, a force expressly for that purpose, 
as has been previously stated in this history. 

* It will be recollected that he was commissioned Colonel 
and Captain at the same time, and in the same warrant. 

t See page 265. Some of the enemy that would not sur- 
render. 

X Thus ends the military achievements of the justly cele- 
brated Benjamin Church. [The reader is requested to 
correct an errour in Dr Douglass' History, I, 557, 8, where 
he observes, that Col. Church made an expedition in 1707-8 j 
it was Col. March.] 



APPENDIX 



I —SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES TO, AND 

SETTLEMENTS IN NORTH AMERICA, AND THE 

TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS BY 

THOSE VOYAGERS. 



As early as 1508, the natives of North America 
began to be carried away by voyagers, sometimes by 
force, and sometimes by flattery. At this early pe- 
riod, one Aubert, a Frenchman, sailed up the river St. 
Lawrence, and on his return to France, conveyed off 
a number of the natives.* In 1585, a colony was 
sent out from England, under the direction of Sir 
Walter Ralegh, and was settled at Roanoke. This 
was the first English colony planted in America.! 
Through their misconduct to the natives, and to one 
another, they found themselves in a miserable condi- 
tion before the end of a year. Sir Francis Drake 
returning that way from a cruise against the Spani- 
ards, gave them a passage to England in his fleet. 
Just before the arrival of Drake, a chief, and many 
of his men were killed, and afterwards an Indian 
town was burned, by order of Sir Richard Grenville, 
who brought supplies to the colonists. 

In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold sailed from Eng- 
land, and was the first Englishman that came in a 
direct course to this part of America.J He fell in 
with the coast near Cape Cod, which he discovered. 
Being met near the shore, by the natives in their ca- 

• American Annals, I, 37. f I* h H& 

X Belknap, Biog I, 231. 



288 APPENDIX. 

noes, was kindly treated by them, and they helped 
him load his vessels. 44 " 

The next year, Martin Pring arrived on the coast, 
and collected a cargo of Sassafras. f The Indians 
appeared hostile to this company, and caused them 
to leave the coast, sooner than they would otherwise 
have done. But this was not without a cause. A 
canoe had been stolen from them, and they were 
sported with by the sailors, who, to get rid of them, 
when they had amused themselves sufficiently, would 
set their dogs to chase them away. 

In 1605, Captain George Weymouth carried off five 
of the natives from the coast of Newengland, against 
their consent ; one of whom was a chief. 

In 1607, the first permanent colony of Virginia 
arrived in the Chesapeak, the twentysixth of April, 
and the thirteenth of May, they took a position for 
a town ; which, soon after, in honour of King James, 
was named James Town. They were annoyed by 
the Indians at first, and one person was killed. * A 
peace was concluded in June following, but it was 
of short duration. An attempt, also, to settle a 
colony on Kennebeck river was made this year, but 
was relinquished the next. J 

In 1614, Captain John Smith made a profitable 
voyage to Newengland, and made an accurate sur- 
vey of its coast. The Newengland Indians, in this 
voyage, were justly incensed against the English, to 
a great degree. When Smith went for England, he 
left one Hunt to complete his cargo of fish. This 
perfidious man enticed twentyfour Indians on board 
\ik vessel, put them in confinement, and sold them 
at Malaga, to the Spaniards, for slaves. In the course 
of the year, another vessel came on the coast to trade 
with two of those taken off by Hunt, to assist in the 

* Sassafras and furs were then the articles of exportation. 

fSee Belknap's life of Pring. Sassafras was collected 
about the islands. Pring found it on what is now Edgar 
town. 

t See page 171 and note 5. 



APPENDIX. 289 

business. It was now designed to settle a trading 
house, but the Indians soon discouraged them in the 
attempt. One of the prisoners had died, and the 
other was not permitted to go on shore. But some 
approached the ship under pretence of trade, and he 
jumped overboard. His friends in the canoes discharg- 
ed their arrows so thick at the same time, that in 
defiance of the English guns, they got him on board, 
and paddled off. A number of the English were 
badly wounded, and some of the Indians killed. The 
English were discouraged, and sailed for England.* 
Two other natives, carried away by Hunt, found 
means, in time, to get back to Newengland, and in 
some measure, allayed the vengeance of their coun- 
trymen ; by assuring them that the English, in gene- 
ral, were highly displeased at the conduct of Captain 
Hunt.f 

These, and many other insults on the Indians 
though small, in comparison with those suffered by 
their race in South America, were more than enough 
to cause them to entertain fearful apprehensions of 
every stranger. 

Before 1619, perhaps it would have been alto- 
gether impracticable to have attempted a settlement 
in Newengland, without great risk. The natives, 
before which, were extremely numerous and warlike ; 
but this year,J a mortal sickness prevailed among 
them, that almost entirely desolated the country ; in- 
somuch, that the living could not bury the dead. 
For when the Pilgrims arrived at Plymouth, the ground 
was strewed with human bones. The extent of this 
pestilence was from Penobscot to Narraganset.§ 

* American Annals, I, 184, 185. f Hist. N. H. 1, 10, 11, 
J It is not certain that this plague happened in 1619, 
though from Johnson and others cited by Holmes, (I, 207, 
208,) it appears probable. Morton, 25, says that it was two 
or three years before the settlement of Plymouth. Prince. 
Chron. 119, thinks this plague raged as early as 1616 or 17* 

§ Prince, Chron. 188, and Belknap, Biog. I, 35& 

N 



290 APPENDIX. 



II. Or '-GIN OF THE SETTLEMENT OF NEWENGLAN1J. 

Bigotr and superstition began to lose some 
ground in &i gland, as early as 1550. And the per- 
secutions, an^ sufferings of the early martyrs of re- 
ligious freedni^, have been the subject of many mas- 
sy volumes. *n 1549, a liturgy had been prepared 
by the bishops, and a law passed both houses of Par- 
liament, " that all divine offices should be performed 
according to it."* The clergy were ordered to 
conform to the liturgy, under pain of fines and im- 
prisonment. And, as has always since been the case, 
among all sects, the new sect, then denominated Pu- 
ritans, grew more numerous, in proportion, as the 
severity of persecution increased. 

In 1607, a congregation fled from England into 
Holland, and in 1608, were joined by others, and a 
church was there established, according, as they be- 
lieved, to the principles of the primitive church of 
Christ ; having Mr. John Robinson for their pastor. 
Their removal from England into Holland, was at- 
tended with the greatest difficulties, and though over- 
looked by the chief historians, who have written upon 
their history, is certainly among the first articles that 
should be related. It formed a part of a Manuscript 
History, written by Mr. William Bradford, one of 
their number, which, though since lostf , was in pos- 
session of Governour Hutchinson, who copied this 
valuable part into his " summary of the affairs of the 
colony of New Plymouth,"! which is as follows. 

" There was a large company of them proposed to 
get passage at Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that 

* Holmes' Annals, I, 50. 

f At least, it has not been seen since 1775, when the Brit- 
ish Vandals under Gen. Gage, in a sacrilegious manner, dis* 
turbed the contents of the old south church, where it was de- 
posited. 

% In his Hist Mass. II, No. I Appendix 






=J 



APPENDIX. 291 

end had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made 
agreement with the master to be ready &fc a certain 
day, and take them and their goods in at a conve- 
nient place, where accordingly they would all attend 
in readiness. So after long waiting and large ex- 
pense, though he kept not day with them, yet he 
came at length and took them in, in the night. But 
when he had them and their goods aboard he betrayed 
them, having beforehand complotted with the search- 
ers and other officers so to do. who took them and put 
them into open boats, and then rifled and ransacked 
them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea, 
even the women, further than became modesty, and 
then carried them back into the town, and made them a 
spectacle and wonder to the multitude, which came 
flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus, 
first by the catch-poles, rifled and stript of their 
money, books, and much other goods they were pre- 
sented to the magistrates, and messengers sent to in- 
form the lords of the council of thern, and so they 
were committed to ward. Indeed the magistrates 
used them courteously, and showed them what favour 
they could, but could not deliver them till order 
came from the council table ; but the issue was, that 
after a month's imprisonment, the greatest part were 
dismissed, and sent to the places from whence they 
came, but seven of the principal men were still kept 
in prison and bound over, to the assizes. The next 
spring after, there was another attempt made, by 
some of these and others, to get over at another 
place. And so it fell out, that they light of a Dutch- 
man at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging to 
Zealand. They made agreement with him, and ac- 
quainted him with their condition, hoping to find 
more faithfulness in him, than in the former of their 
own nation. He bade them not fear, for he would do 
well enough. He was by apppointment to take them 
in, between Grindstone* and Hull, where was a large 

* Grimsby says Belknap. 



292 APPENDIX. 

common, a good way distant from any town. Now 
against the prefixed time, the women and children, 
with the goods, were sent to the place in a smail 
bark, which they had hired for that end, and the men 
were to meet them by land ; but it so fell out, that 
they were there a day before the ship came, and the sea 
being rough and the women very sick, prevailed with 
the seamen t*o put into a creek hard by, where they 
lay on ground at low water. The next morning the 
ship came, but they were fast and could not stir till 
about noon. In the mean time, the shipmaster per- 
ceiving how the matter was, sent his boat to get the 
men aboard, whom he saw ready, walking about the 
shore, but after the first boat-full was got aboard, and 
she was ready to go for more, the master espied a 
great company both horse and foot, with bills and 
guns and other weapons, for the country was raised 
to take them. The Dutchman seeing that, swore his 
country oath, c Sacramente? and having the wind fair, 
weighed anchor, hoisted sails, and away. After en- 
during a fearful s-torm at sea, for fourteen days or 
more, seven whereof they never saw sun, moon nor 
stars, and being driven near the coast of Norway, 
they arrived at their desired haven, where the people 
came flocking, admiring their deliverance, the storm 
having been so long and sore, in which much hurt 
had been done, as the master's friends related to him 
in their congratulations. The rest of the men that 
were in greatest danger, made a shift to escape away 
before the troop could surprise them, those only stay- 
ing that best might be assisting unto the women. 
But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor 
women in distress ; what weeping and crying on every 
side, some for their husbands that were carried away 
in the ship, others not knowing what should become 
of them and their little ones, crying for fear and 
quaking with cold. Being apprehended, they were 
hurried from one place to another, till in the end they 
knew not what to do with them ; for, to imprison so 



APPENDIX. 293 

many women with their innocent children for no 
other cause, many of them, but that they would go 
with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable, and 
all would cry out of them ; and to send them home 
again was as difficult, for they alleged, as the truth 
was, they had no homes to go to, for they had either 
sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and liv- 
ings : To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled 
a good while, and conveyed from one constable to 
another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end 
upon any terms, though, in the mean time, they, poor 
souls, endured misery enough." 

After remaining several years in Holland, they be- 
gan to fear that their company would finally become 
lost, by their connexion with the Dutch ; and that 
their efforts to establish the true religion, also lost. 
Some of their young men had already engaged in 
the military service of the Dutch, and marriages with 
their young women had taken place. These things 
caused much grief to the pious Forefathers ; more 
especially, because the Dutch were dissolute in their 
morals. 

Under these considerations, their thoughts were 
turned towards America; but, never so far north as 
Newengland. Sir Walter Ralegh was about this 
time,* projecting a settlement in Guiana, and this 
place was first taken under consideration. Here a 
perpetual spring was promised, and all the beauties 
of a tropical summer. But considering the diseases 
which were so fatal to Europeans, and their near 
vicinity to the Spaniards,! the majority were against 
a removal thither. 

At length, they resolved to make their settlement 
in north Virginia, J and accordingly they sent agents 

* 1617. 

t The Spaniards had not actually taken possession of this 
country, but claimed it. Belknap, Biog. II, 167. 

| North America was then known under the general names 
of north and south Virginia, divided by the parallel of 40 d. 



294 APPENDIX. 

to England, to obtain a grant from the Virginia com- 
pany, and to know whether the King would grant 
them liberty of conscience, in that distant country. 
The Virginia company were willing to grant them 
such privileges as were in their power, but the bigot- 
ted James would agree no further, than " to connive 
at them, provided they should conduct peaceably."* 

The agents returned the next year, 1618, to the 
great discouragement of the congregation. Resolved, 
however, to make another trial, agents were sent 
again the next year, and after long and tedious de- 
lays, f a grant was obtained, under the seal ot the 
company, which, after all this great trouble and 
expense, was never used. J 

Notwithstanding, their removal was not given up, 
and they made ready for their voyage, with what ex- 
pedition they could. It was agreed that a part 
should go before, to prepare the way ; and, accord- 
ingly, two ships were got ready, one named the 
Speedwell, of sixty tons, the other the Mayflower, 
of one hundred and eight tons. They first went from 
Leydento England, and on the fifth of August, 1620, 
they left Southampton for America ;§ but, they were 
twice forced to return, by reason of the bad state of 
the lesser ship. 

It was now agreed to dismiss the Speedwell, and 
they embarked on board the Mayflower, and, on the 
sixth of September, again sailed on their intended 
voyage.j | 

N. Prince, 180. Its whole extent was from Florida to the 
bay of Fundy. 

* Belknap, Biog. II, 170. American Annals, I, 198. 

f Occasioned by dissensions among the Virginia company. 
One treasurer having resigned was displeased with his suc- 
cessor. See Bradford in Prince, 151, 153. 

X Because it was taken out in the name of a gentleman, 
whom " providence" separated from them. 

§ They intended to have settled somewhere near Hudson's 
river. 

The last port they left was Plymouth. 



APPENDIX. 295 

Such were the transactions, and such the difficul- 
ties, attending this persevering company of Pilgrims, 
(as they are truly called) in the great attempt, to set- 
tle a colony in America. As no particulars are pre- 
served of their voyage, we may now leave them until 
they appear on the coast.* 

III. LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

After some difficulties, in a voyage of two months 
and three days, they fell in with the land of Cape Cod, 
on the ninth of November. Finding themselves fur- 
ther north than they intended to settle, they stood to 
the southward ; but soon finding themselves nearly 
encompassed with dangerous shoals, the Captainf 
took advantage of their fears, and bore up again for 
the cape ; and, on the tenth of November, anchored 
in cape Cod harbour. J 

On observing their latitude, they found themselves 
out of the limits of the south Virginia company. 
Upon which it was hinted by some, that they should 
now be under no laws, and every servant would have 
as much authority as his master. But the wisdom 
that had conducted them hither, was sufficient to pro- 
vide against this evil ; therefore, an instrument was 
drawn and signed, by which they unanimously form- 
ed themselves into a body politic. This instrument 
was executed November the eleventh, and signed by 
fortyone persons ; that being the number of men, 
qualified to act for themselves. Their whole number 

* It is related that in a storm a beam of the ship was 
thrown out of its place, and that they began to despair, but 
some gentleman having a large iron screw, by means of which 
it was again forced into its place. 

f Jones. 

J The Captain of the ship was hired by the Dutch to land 
them thus far north, because they claimed the country at 
Hudson's river, and were unwilling that the English should 
get any footing there. See Morton, 13. 



296 APPENDIX. 

consisted of One hundred and one.* John Carver 
was chosen Governour for one year. 

* As it must be ever gratifying to posterity to know the 
first form of government ever drawn up in their country, and 
the names of those who first ventured upon the great under- 
taking, both are here presented to their view, as I find them 
in Mr. Prince's N. Eng. Chronology. In my first edition I 
copied from Morton, but on account of some errours in the 
names of the signers as given in his Newengland's Memorial 
I copy from Mr. Prince. However, it is possible that some 
small errours may exist, even in his list : for we know, that 
the chirography of 1620, was vastly different from that a 
hundred years after ; insomuch, that what Mr. Morton read 
for an r, might have been taken afterward for a t by Mr. 
Prince, &c, as will appear by comparing those names, in 
which a difference is seen. Mr. Morton writes No. 25, John 
Craxton, No. 27, Joses Fletcher, No. 29, Digery Priest, No 
34, Richard Bitteridge, and No. 40, Edward Doten. He 
also has No. 32, Edmund Morgeson, but that I suppose to be a 
misprint. Both of those authors copied from Gov. Bradford's 
MS., as Hutchinson perhaps did, who differs from both. He 
writes Nos. 15 and 16, Tilley, No. 20, Ridgsdale, No. 25, 
Croxton, No. 37, Gardner. But the most unaccountable dif- 
ferences exist between authors who have copied from Mr. 
Prince's printed book. I need not name any one, in particular, 
as all that I have met with, differ in some respect, except the 
Editors of the N. H. Hist. Collections, who seem to have 
been particularly careful. 

" In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are under 
written the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord King 
Jamesj by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and 
Ireland, King, defender of the faith, Sec. 

Having undertaken for the glory of God, and advancement 
of the christian faith, and honour of our King and country, 
a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of 
Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually in the 
presence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine 
ourselves together, into a civil body politick, for our better 
ordering and preservation, and fartherance of the ends afore- 
said ; and by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame 
such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and 
offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and 
convenient for the general good of the colony. Unto which 
we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness 
whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at cape 
Cod, the 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our 
sovereign Lord, King James, of England, France and Ire- 



APPENDIX. 



297 









The day answering to the Eleventh of December, 
is celebrated as the day of the landing of the Pil- 
grims ;* but on that day, a place was discovered, 
and fixed upon for their settlement. Parties before 
had landed and made some discoveries. 

The same day that the memorable instrument was 
signed, a party left the ship, and landed to explore 
the country, and get wood, but returned without 
making any particular discovery. But a few days 
after, (November fifteenth) sixteen men, under Cap- 
tain Myles Standish, were permitted to go in search 

land, the XVIII, and of Scotland the LIV. Anno Domini, 
1620." 

No. No. 

1 Mr. John Carver,* 8 23 Francis Eaton,* S 

2 William Bradford,* 2 24 James Chilton,*§ S 
8 Mr. Edward Winslow,* 5 25 John Crackston,§ 2 

4 Mr. Wm. Brewster,* 6 

5 Mr. Isaac Allerton,* 6 

6 Capt. Miles Standish,* 2 

7 John Alden, 1 

8 Mr. Samuel Fuller,! 2 

9 Mr. Christopher Martin*§4 

10 Mr. Wm. Mullins,*§ 5 

11 Mr. Wm. White,*§ 5 

12 Mr. Richard Warren,t 1 

13 John Howland, (in Car- 

ver's family.) 

14 Mr. Stephen Hopkins,* 8 

15 Edward Tillv,*§ 4 

16 John Tilly ,*§ 3 

17 Francis Cook,f 2 

18 Thomas Rogers,§ 2 

19 Thomas Tinker,*§ 3 

20 John Ridgdale,*§ 2 

21 Edward Fuller,*§ 3 
3 



23 Francis Eaton,* 

24 James Chilton,*§ 

25 John Crackston,§ 

26 John Billington,* 

27 Moses Fletcher,§ 

28 John Goodman, § 

29 Degory Priest, § 
80 Thomas Williams,§ 

31 Gilbert Winslow, 

32 Edmund Margeson,§ 
83 Peter Brown, 

34 Richard Britterige,§ 

35 George Soule, {of Mr. 

Winslow' s family. 

36 Richard Clark,§ ! 

37 Richard Gardiner, 1 

38 John Allerton, § I 

39 Thomas English,§ 1 

40 Edward Dorey, ) 

41 Edward Leister, £ 

(both of Mr. Hopkins family.) 



22 John Turner,§ 3 _ 101 

The above names having this mark * at the end brought 
their wives with them. Those with this f did not. Those 
with this § died before the end of March. The figures at 
the end of the names denote the number in each family. 

* To reduce old style to new, eleven days are added ; there- 
fore, the 22 December is celebrated as the landing of the 
Forefathers. 



298 APPENDIX. 

of a convenient place for settlement. They saw five 
Indians whom they followed all day, but could not 
overtake them. The next day they discovered seve- 
ral Indian graves ; one of which they opened, and 
found some rude implements of war ; a mortar, and 
an earthen pot ; all which they took care to re- 
place ; being unwilling to disturb the sepulchres of 
the dead. They found under a small mound of earth, 
a cellar curiously lined with bark, in which was 
stored a quantity of Indian corn.* Of this they 
took as much as they could carry, and returned to 
the ship. 

Soon after, twentyfour others made the like ex- 
cursion, and obtained a considerable quantity of corn, 
which, with that obtained before, was about ten 
bushels. f Some beans were also found. J This 
discovery gave them great encouragement, and per- 
haps prevented their further removal ; it also saved 
them from famine. 

After considerable discussion, concerning a place 
for settlement, in which some were for going to Aga- 
wam,§ and some not so far, it was concluded to send 
out a shallop, to make further discovery in the bay. 
Accordingly, Governour Carver, with eighteen or 
twenty men, set out on the sixth of December, to ex- 
plore the deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather was 
very cold, and the spray of the sea lighting on them, 
they were soon covered with ice, as it were, like 
coats of mail. At night having got to the bottom 
of the bay, they discovered ten or twelve Indians, 
about a league off, cutting up a grampus ; who, on 

"*Of divers colours which seemed to them a very goodly 
sight, having seen none before." Morton, 18. 

t Holmes' Annals, I, 201. 

$ This was not hardly right, perhaps, hut Morton, N. E. 
Memoral, 19, says, that in "About six months after they 
gave them full satisfaction to their content." 

§ Ipswich is supposed to have been meant, as it was known 
by that name in a former voyage. 



APPENDIX. 299 

discovering the English, ran away with what of the 
fish they had cut off. With some difficulty from 
shoals, they landed, and erected a hut, and passed 
the first night. In the morning they divided their 
company, some went by land, and others in the ves- 
sel, to make further discovery of the bay, to which 
they gave the name of Grampus, because that fish 
was found there. They met again at night, and 
some lodged on board the shallop, and the rest as 
before.* 

The next morning, December the eighth, as they 
were about to embark, they were furiously beset by 
Indians. Some of the company having carried their 
guns down to the boat, the others discharged upon 
them, as fast as they could ; but the Indians shouted, 
and rushed on, until those had regained their arms,, 
and then they were put to flight. One, however, 
more courageous than the rest, took a position be- 
hind a tree, and withstood several volleys of shot, 
discharging arrows himself at the same time. At 
length a shot glancing upon the side of the tree, 
hurled the bark so about his head that he thought it 
time to escape. Eighteen arrows were picked up 
by the English, after the battle, which they sent to 
their friends in England, as curiosities. Some were 
headed with brass, and others with horn and bone. 
The place where this happened, was on this account, 
called the First Encounter. f 

The company, after leaving this place, narrowly 
escaped being cast away ; but they got safe on an 
uninhabited island, J where they passed the night. 

* Morton and Belknap. 

t Morton, 22. It was before called Namskeket. lb. 21. 
Dr. Belknap, Biog. II, 202, says, " A creek which now 
bears the name of Skakit, lies between Eastham and Har- 
wich ; distant about 8 or 4 miles westward from Nauset ; the 
seat of a tribe of Indians, who (as they afterwards learned) 
made this attack." 

% This they called "Clark's Island, because Mr. Clark, the 
master's mate, first stepped ashore thereon.' - ' Morton, 24. 



300 APPENDIX 

The next day, December the ninth, they dried their 
clothes, and repaired their vessel, which had lost her 
mast, and met with other damage. The next day 
they rested, it being Sunday. The day following, 
they found a place, which they judged ht for settle- 
ment ; and, after going on shore,* and discovering 
good water, and where there had been cornfields, re- 
turned to the ship. This was on the Eleventh of 
December, 1620, and is the day celebrated as the 
Forefathers' Day. 

On the fifteenth, the ship came into the new har- 
bour. The two following days, the people went on 
shore, but returned at night to the ship. 

On the twentythird, timber was begun to be pre- 
pared for building a common store house. f The 
next day, the cry of Indians was heard, but none ap- 
peared. On the twentyfifth, the first house was be- 
gun. A fort was built on the hill, soon after, (where 
the burying ground now is) which commanded the 
town and harbour; and, they were diligently em- 
ployed, until a town was laid out ; to which they 
gave the name Plymouth, on account of the kind treat- 
ment they received from the people of Plymouth in 

* A large *")ck near the water, said to be the place where 
thev ^ritdfiepp^d ashore, is shown with a degree of veneration 
jy t&,9 inhalants of Plymouth. It is a granite of a redish cast, 
\?A Las long since been nearly levelled with the surface of 
the ground. A large fragment has been placed near the 
head of the main street, where it is made a rendezvous for 
boys in pleasant evenings. This, as well as the part from 
which it was taken, suffers occasionally under the force of a 
dull axe, to add to the entertainment of the story of the trav- 
eller. 



t Their provisions and goods were held in common by the 
company, at first, but it was soon found by the wise leaders, 
that this method was not practicable, and it was soon drop- 
ped. Perhaps the chief mover of this wise measure was Gov. 
Bradford, as it was adopted in his administration. See Bel- 
knap, Biog. II, 232, 8. 



APPENDIX. 301 

England, and that being the place in their native 
country from which they last sailed.* 

In January, 1621, their store house took fire, and 
was nearly consumed. Most of the people now were 
sick, and Governour Carver and Mr. Bradford were 
confined in the store house, when it took fire. In 
March, an Indian came boldly into the town, and 
saluted them with these words, "Welcome English- 
men ! Welcome Englishmen !" This was uttered in 
broken English, but was clearly understood. His 
name was Samoset, and he came from the eastward, 
where he had been acquainted with some fishermen, 
and had learned some of their language. They 
treated him with kindness, and he informed them, 
that the great Sachem, Massassoit,f was coming to 
visit them ; and, told them of one Squanto, that was 
well acquainted with the English language. He left 
them, and soon after returned, in company with Mas- 
sassoit, and Squanto. J This Indian continued with 
the English as long as he lived, and was of infinite 
service to them. He showed them how to cultivate 
corn, and other American productions. 

About this time, (beginning of April) Governour 
Carver died. Soon after, Mr. William Bradford was 
chosen. The mortality that began soon after their 
arrival, had before the end of March, carried off for- 
tyfour of their number. 

Such was the beginning of Newengland, which 
is now, alone, a formidable nation. At the death ot 
the first Governour, it contained Fiftyseven Europe- 

* It is remarkable that Captain Smith had called this place 
Plymouth in his map of Newengland. Dr. Belknap says, 
that it was partly on this account that it was now so called. 

f For the particulars of Massassoit's visit to the Pilgrims, 
see page 133, and note 1. 

± He was one of those carried off by Hunt, (see page 289) 
and got from Malaga to England ; and was entertained by a 
gentleman in London, who employed him to Newfoundland, 
and other parts. He was at last brought into these parts by 
Mr. Thomas Dermer. * Morton, 27, 28. 



302 APPENDIX. 

an inhabitants, and at the end of two hundred years, 
it contained upwards of one million six hundred 
thousand. 

As it was my design, only to accompany the Pil- 
grims until they were seated in the wilderness, I 
shall now dismiss the engaging subject, with a short 
reflection. 

Perhaps the annals of the world do not furnish a 
parallel to the first peopling of Newengland ; as it 
respects purity of intention, judgment and fortitude 
in its execution, and in sustaining for a series of years, 
a government, that secured the happiness of all. An 
object of admiration, justly increasing on every suc- 
ceeding generation, in proportion to the remoteness 
of time. Founded on the genuineness of those au- 
thorities, who, without the least shade of fable, have 
transmitted to us their true history : rendered pecu- 
liarly interesting, from its minuteness of detail, even 
beyond what could have been expected. Insomuch, 
that no one can read, without the deepest interest in 
their situations ; and seeming, as it were, to live over 
those days with them, and to gain a perfect ac- 
quaintance with a Carver, a Bradford, a Winslow, 
and, indeed, the whole train of worthies. 

i 

IV. HISTORY OF THE PEQ.UOT WAR. 

While the number of English inhabitants was 
small, their troubles with the Indians were easily set- 
tled. But as is natural to mankind, as they increas- 
ed in numbers and wealth, they were too proud to 
court the favour of the natives. And notwithstand- 
ing, great tribute is due to the memory of our venera- 
ble forefathers, for their almost unexampled resolu- 
tion, perseverance, and above all, fortitude and wis- 
dom, yet they were men, and accountable only as 
men. 

" There was a nation of Indians in the southern 
parts of Newengland, called Pequods seated on a 



APPENDIX. 303 

fair navigable river,* twelve miles to the eastward 
of the mouth of the great and famous river of 
Connecticut; who (as was commonly reported 
about the time when Newengland was first planted 
by the English) being a more fierce, cruel, and war- 
like people than the rest of the Indians, came down 
out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by 
force, seized upon one of the goodliest places, near 
the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbours, 
on whom they had exercised several acts of inhuman 
cruelty ; insomuch, that being flushed with victories 
over their fellow Indians, they began to thirst after 
the blood of foreigners, English and Dutch, f that ac- 
cidentally came amongst them, in a way of trade or 
upon other accounts. 

" In the year 1634, they treacherously and cruel- 
ly murdered Captain StoneJ and Captain Norton,^ 
who came occasionally with a bark into the river to 
trade with them. Not long after within the compass 
of the next year,|| they in like treacherous manner, 
slew one Mr. Oldham, IT (formerly belonging to NeAV 
Plymouth, but at that time an inhabitant of Massa- 
chusetts) at Block island,** a place not far from the 
mouth of their harbour, as he was fairly trading with 
them."tt 

* Mystic river. 

t Some cfthe Dutch that belonged to Manhattans, now 
Newyork, had a trading house on Connecticut river, and in 
some difficulties with the Indians some were killed. 

$ Captain Stone was from St. Christophers, and came to 
trade in Connecticut river at the Dutch house. Hist. Con. 
1,70. 

§ Norton was of Massachusetts and killed the same time. 
lb. || It was in 1636. 

1T Some difficulty was occasioned with Mr. Oldham, on ac- 
count of religious matters, and he was banished out of Mas- 
sachusetts, but was afterward permitted to return. For a 
valuable memoir of him, see Mr. Savage's edition of VVin- 
throp's Hist. I, 80. 

** About 20 miles S. S. W. of Newport, R. I 

t| Hubbard's Narrative. 



304 APPENDIX. 

How mucii cause the Indians had for these outra- 
ges we cannot tell ; they say, that captain Stone sur- 
prised some of their men, and forced them to pilot 
him up the river, and that on his coming ashore, with 
two others, was killed while asleep. The English 
account is as follows. Having entered the river, 
Stone hired some Indians to pilot two of his men up 
the river, who at night went on shore to sleep, 
and were murdered by their pilots. About a dozen 
of those Indians, who had been trading with Captain 
Stone, went on board his vessel, and murdered him, 
as he lay asleep in his cabin, and threw a covering 
over him. The men were murdered as they appear- 
ed, one after another, except captain Norton, who de- 
fended himself in the cook's room, until some pow- 
der that he had in an open vessel for the quick load- 
ing of his gun, took fire, and so burned him that he 
could resist no longer. 

Mr. John Oldham was murdered at Block island 
by some of them, or at least the murderers were shel- 
tered by them. One Gallop, in his passage from 
Connecticut, discovered Mr. Oldham's vessel, and on 
coming near, found the deck to be covered with In- 
dians. Gallop now suspected that they had killed 
Mr. Oldham. He hailed them, and they gave no 
answer, but made off as fast as they could ; he made 
for them, and was soon up with them ; fired among 
them, and drove all from the deck. His crew being 
small, would not venture to board, and so stood off 
and took the force of the wind, and ran down upon 
them, and nearly overset their vessel. Six of them 
were so frightened, that they leaped overboard and 
were drowned. He again stood off, and so lashed 
his anchor, that when he came down upon them 
again, it bored through the bows of the Indians' ves- 
sel, and four or five more jumped overboard and were 
lost. The vessels now stuck fast together, and they 
fought side by side, until they drove all below again ; 
and then Gallop boarded them, and as they ventur- 



APPENDIX. 305 

ed up, were taken and bound. He not having places 
convenient to keep them all, threw one into the sea. 
They found the body of Mr. Oldham^ covered over 
with a sail, with his head cleft to the brains. In 
this action, Gallop had with him but one man, and 
two boys. On board of Mr. Oldham's vessel were 
fourteen Indians ; two or three of whom got in a hole 
below, and could not be drove from it. Captain 
Gallop then fastened the vessel to his, in order to 
take her in, but in a gale she was broken off and 
lost. 

The same year, 1636, the government of Massa- 
chusetts sent Captain Endicott with ninety men to 
avenge these murders, in case the murderers were 
not delivered up, and restitution made for the losses 
sustained. The Narragansets, who had some hand 
in the murder, now submitted to the terms offered 
by the English. Captain Endicott proceeded to 
Block island, having with him Captain John Under- 
bill, and Captain Nathaniel Turner. At their arrival 
they were met by about forty Indians, who all fled 
into thickets, where they could not be found. They 
burned sixty wigwams, and destroyed about two hun- 
dred acres of corn, and all their canoes, then sailed 
for the Pequot country. On their arrival in Pequot 
harbour,* several hundreds collected on the shore, 
but on learning the business of the English, fled into 
the woods. The men were landed on both sides of 
the river, and the Indians fired some arrows at them 
from behind the rocks and bushes. One or two of 
the enemy were killed, but no object was effected, 
and the troops returned to Boston. 
. Captain Underhill and twenty men were to pro- 
ceed from thence to Say brook fort, and strength- 
en it. But being wind bound, they went on shore to 
take some Indian corn, and were surprised by a large 

•At the mo\i*h of Pequot river, now called the rives 
Thames. 



306 APPENDIX 

body of the enemy, who fought them most of the 
afternoon. They, however, put the Indians to flight, 
and embarked on board their vessel. One man only 
was wounded, but they concluded that a number of 
the enemy were killed. 

As nothing now was expected but war, tfrO l^ng- 
lish took measures to secure the friendship Of tne 
Narragansets, which they effected. They h^n much 
to fear, in case they should join with the Pequots, 
being very numerous, their warriours being estimat- 
ed at five thousand. 

Endicott's ill success rather emboldened them than 
otherwise, and in the next April, 1637, six men were 
killed near Weathersfield, and several women were 
captivated. In all thirty had been killed since the 
first disturbances took place. 

Vigorous measures were now resolved upon by the 
people of Connecticut, who raised ninety men ; and 
shortly after, the other colonies united in the com- 
mon cause.* The Connecticut troops, under Cap- 
tain John Mason, on the tenth of May, accompanied 
by about seventy Mohegan Indians, under Unca3 
their Sachem, embarked down the river for Saybrook 
fort ; where, after making proper arrangements, they 

* The Massachusetts forces were on their march to join 
those of Connecticut, " when they were retarded by the most 
singular cause that ever influenced the operations of a mili- 
tary force. When they were mustered previous to their de- 
parture, it was found that some of the officers, as well as 
the private soldiers, were still under a covenant of works; 
and that the blessing of God could not be implored or expect- 
ed to crown the arms of such unhallowed men with success. 
The alarm was general and many arrangements necessary 
in order to cast out the unclean, and to render this little band* 
sufficiently pure to fight the battles of a people who enter- 
tained high ideas of their own sanctity." Robertson's Hist 
America, II, Book X. Thus while the Boston men were at 
war with the spirits of darkness, as they imagined, the Con- 
necticut men under Mason were left alone to fight the more 
dangerous Pequots, as will presently be seem. 

•Consisting oi 200. 



APPENDIX. 30? 

marched to Narraganset bay. Hero they engaged 
a large body of the Narragansets, as auxXaries, and 
then proceeded to Nihantic,* wfoere they arrived, 
May twenty fourth. 

The next morning they were joined by another body 
of the Narragansets, which made their Indian force 
amount to near five hundred men. After marching 
twelve miles, to Pawcatuck river, Captain Mason 
halted to refresh his men. The weather was ex- 
tremely hot, and the men suffered very much. His 
Narraganset men now learning that they were going 
to attack the Pequot's chief fort, were greatly amaz- 
ed, and the most of them returned home. One We- 
quash, a deserter from the Pequots, now piloted the 
army to a fort at Mystic. At night they encamped 
by two large rocks, f and tw T o hours before day, made 
ready to attack the fort. They yet had two miles to 
march, which took them until near the dawn of day. 
The fort was on the top of a hill, and no time must be 
lost in making the attack. Their friend Indians now 
chiefly deserted them, and they divided themselves 
into two divisions, for the benefit of attacking them 
in two particular points. The party under Mason 
pressed on to the east side, while that under Cap- 
tain Underhill gained the west. As Mason ap- 
proached the palisades, a dog gave the alarm, and 
an Indian cried out " Owanux ! Owanux /" that is, 
" Englishmen ! Englishmen !" Being now discover- 
ed, they instantly discharged through the palisades, 
and then rushed into the fort sword in hand. Here 
the battle was severe, and for some time doubtful 
As the moment grew more critical, Mason thought 
of the last expedient, and cried out, " We must burn 
them ! We must burn them !" and taking a brand of 
fire, communicated it to the mats, with which the 
^ wigwams were covered, they were a.l m a blaze in a 

• In Lyme. 

{"Between two large rocks in Groton, since called Porter's 
rocks." Trumbull, I, 83. 



308 APPENDIX. 

moment. The English then formed a circle about 
the fort, and all that ventured out to escape the 
flames, were immediately shot down. Dreadful now 
was the work of death. Some perishing in the 
flames, others climbing over the palisades, were no 
sooner up than shot down. Uncas, in the mean 
time, had come up and formed a circle in the rear, 
and in a little more than an hour, the work was com- 
plete. Six or seven hundred Indians were slain, 
and but two of the English, and sixteen wounded. 

The army now began the retreat, and a body of 
the enemy were soon seen in pursuit ; but a few shot 
kept them at a distance. This body of the enemy 
had not been in the battle, and on arriving at the 
fort, and beholding the dismal spectacle, beat the 
ground with rage, and tore their hair in despair. 

The English arrived at their homes in about three 
weeks from the time they set out, and the people 
were greatly rejoiced at their success. 

Sas^acus, the chief of the Pequots, and most of 
his people, now fled and left their country. But 
after some time, it was discovered, that a great body 
of them were in a swamp to the westward. Troops, 
therefore, were sent from Massachusetts, who joined 
others from Connecticut, and they immediately 
marched under the command of the valiant Mason, 
in pursuit of them. On the thirteenth of July they 
arrived at the fatal swamp. Some of the English 
rushed in, but were badly wounded, and rescued with 
difficulty. At length they surrounded the swamp, 
and the fight continued through the most of the 
night. By the help of a thick fog, many of the war- 
riours escaped. About twenty were killed, and one 
hundred and eighty captivated, who wer*e divided 
among the Narragansets and Mohegans. Sassacus, 
with a few of his chief men, fled to the Mohawks 6 
who, at the request of the Narragansets cut off his 



ht 



APPENDIX. 309 

head ; and thus terminated the Pequot war.* No- 
thing of great moment occurred until the time of 
Philip. 

V. REMAINS OF PHILIP'S WAR. 

It is intended here, to narrate the most important 
circumstances in the progress of that war at the 
eastward, in Maine and Newhampshire. 

It was generally thought, that Philip had excited 
all of the Indians throughout Newengland, to rise 
with him in the war. While this has been doubted 
by some, others think it probable, that his endeavours 
were used even among die distant tribes of Virginia.f 
However this might have been, it is certain, that with- 
in twenty days from the time the war began in Swan- 
zey, it began to blaze at the distance of two hundred 
miles, even at the northeasterly extremity of New- 
england. But the war at the eastward is said to have 
grown out of the foolish conduct of some of the in- 
habitants. An insult was offered to the wife of 
Stmando, a chief Sachem on the river Saco. Some 
^regular sailors, having heard that young Indians 
could swim naturally, like those of the brute creation, 
met the wife of Squando with an infant child in a 
canoe, and to ascertain the fact, overset it. The 
child sunk to the bottom, but the mother diving down, 
immediately brought it up without apparent injury. 
However, it fell out, that the child died shortly after, 
and its death was imputed to the treatment it had re- 
ceived from the sailors. This so enraged the chief, 
that he only waited a fit time to commence hostili- 
ties. Other causes of the war were not wanting all 
along the eastern frontier. A letter was received at 

* It was the reflection upon the fate of this once famous na- 
tion, that gave rise to those beautiful and sympathetick lines 
in Dwight's Greenfield hill, Part the fourth, which see in 
note 3 to page 146 of Philip's war. 

t See Hubbard, Nar. 262. 



310 APPENDIX. 

Kennebeck, from York, the eleventh July, 1C75, giv- 
ing account of the war at the westward, and that 
means were using to disarm the natives along the 
shore. Had the Indians entertained no ideas of war 
before, they certainly would be justified in making 
war upon any that were about to deprive them of the 
means of self defence. How much have the Spar- 
tans, under Leonidas been celebrated for their answer 
to Xerxes, when he endeavoured to persuade them 
to give up their arms. But the English were not so 
generous as the Persian monarch, for he promised 
the Spartans a far better country than theirs, if they 
would comply. To which they replied, that no 
country was worth having unless won by valour ; and, 
as to their arms, they should want them in any coun- 
try. Perhaps the despised Indians deserve as much 
honour, in some instances, as the defenders of Ther- 
mopylae. 

In an attempt to force the Indians to deliver up 
their arms at Kennebeck, one belonging to the Eng- 
lish came near being killed. This caused consider- 
able tumult, but at length was settled, by promises 
and hostages on the part of the Indians. But through 
the supineness of their keepers, the hostages found 
means to escape ; and, meeting with some of their 
fellows, proceeded to Pejepscot, where they plunder- 
ed the house of one Purchase, an early planter, and 
known as a trader among them. The men were not 
at home, but no incivility was offered to the women. 
This was in September, 1675. 

About twentyfive of the English marched out to 
take revenge for what had been done. They went 
up Casco bay, and landed near the mouth of the An- 
droscoggin, where they had farms. On coming near 
the houses, " they heard a knocking," and presently 
saw some Indians ; who it appears, were doing no 
harm; but without waiting to know, the English 
rushed on them, and some were killed. The Indians 
rallied, and wounded many of them before they could 



APPENDIX. 31 J 

gain their vesesls. Some it appears, even in those 
days, stood a little for the rights of the natives, and 
ventured to question the virtue of this action. "But," 
says Mr. Hubbard, "if this happened after the mur- 
der of old Mr. Wakely and family, the English can 
be blamed for nothing but their negligence."* But 
whether it was or not, does not appear.f The de- 
struction of this family was horrid. Six persons, 
namely, the old gentleman, his son, and daughter in 
law, who was far advanced in pregnancy, and three 
grandchildren were killed, and mangled in a shock- 
ing manner. Some of them, when found the next 
day, were partly consumed in the flames of their 
dwelling, to which the Indians set fire when they 
drew off. 

At Saco they met with a severe repulse, in an en- 
deavour to take Major Phillips' garrison. J Captain 
Benython had got information by a friendly Indian, 
that something was intended against the place, so he 
retired into the garrison with Phillips. His house 
had not been deserted above an hour, when he saw 
it in flames. The savages soon crossed the river, and 
were seen skulking by the fences to get a shot at 
some about the garrison. Major Phillips went into 
a chamber to look out for the enemy, and was wound- 
ed. The Indians thought they had killed him, and 
openly began the attack ; but their Captain being 
immediately shot down, they drew a little further off. 
They now employed a stratagem to fire the garrison. 
They took the large wheels, (used for lumbering, at 
a mill near by, which they burned) and erected a 
battery upon the axletree, then they ran it back by 
taking hold of the tongue or spear, very near the 
garrison; when one wheel stuck in the mud, and the 

* Narrative, 269. 

j Sullivan, Hist. Maine, 199, says it was in July, 1675, and that 
the name of the family was Wakefield. 
J On Saturday, 18 September. 



312 APPENDIX. 

other rolling on, gave their helm an oblique direction, 
and they were all exposed to the fire of.the English, 
They being in readiness, fired from every part of the 
fortification at once, killing and wounding about thirty. 
The rest gladly gave up the siege and fled. They next 
killed seven persons at Blue point, (Scarborough,) 
and burned twenty houses.* About the same time, 
five persons were killed by the same Indians, while 
going up Saco river. In the same month, they burned 
two houses at Oyster river, belonging to two families 
by the name of Chesly, killed two men passing in the 
river, and carried two captive. One Robinson and 
son were shot in the way between Exeter and Hamp- 
ton, about this time. Within a few days, also, the 
house of one Tozer, at Newichwannock, was assault- 
ed, wherein were fifteen women and children, all of 
whom except two, were saved by the intrepidity of a 
girl of eighteen. She first seeing the Indians, shut 
the door and stood against it, till the others escaped 
to the next house, which was better secured. The 
Indians chopped the door to pieces, then entering, 
knocked her down, and leaving her for dead, went in 
pursuit of the others ; of whom, two children, who 
could not get over the fence, fell into their hands. 
The valiant heroine recovered of her wounds. The 
two next days, they showed themselves on both sides 
of the river, burned two houses and three barns, 
containing a great quantity of grain. And, at Oys- 
ter river, they burned five houses, and killed two men. 
The people were now determined to retaliate. About 
twenty young men, chiefly Of Dover, obtained leave 
of Major Waldron, then commander of the militia, 
to hunt the enemy. Having divided themselves into 
small parties, one of these came upon five Indians 
in the woods, near a deserted house. Two of them 
were preparing a fire to roast corn, while the other 
three were gathering it. They were at a loss at hrsl 

•Sullivan, 215. 



APPENDIX 313 

how to make their onset, as the Indians were the 
most numerous. But at length, concluded to creep 
up and knock the two on the head at the fire, without 
noise to alarm the others. The first part of their 
plan exactly succeeded, the two Indians being laid 
dead with the buts of their guns ; but the others heard 
the blows and fled. 

People in general, now retired to garrison houses, 
and the country was filled with consternation. Octo- 
ber the seventh, Thursday, a man was shot ofT his 
horse, as he was riding between two garrisons at 
Newichwannock. Not far from the same place two 
others were sltot dead the same day. About the 
same time, an old gentleman, by the name of Beard, 
was killed, and his head cut off and set upon a pole. 
This was at Oyster river. On Saturday, the six- 
teenth, about a hundred Indians appeared at Newich- 
wannock, (Berwick now) a short distance from the 
upper garrison, where they killed one Tozer, and cap- 
tured his son. The guns alarmed Lieutenant Plais- 
ted at the next garrison, who, with seven men, went 
out on a discovery, but fell into an ambush ; two or 
three were killed, and the others escaped to the gar- 
rison, where they were closely besieged. In this 
perilous situation, Lieutenant Plaisted wrote a letter 
to Major Waldron for help, but he was not able to 
afford any. The next day Plaisted ventured out with 
twenty men to bury the dead, but was again ambush- 
ed, and his men deserted him. He disdaining to fly, 
was killed upon the spot, with his eldest son, and one 
more. His other son died of his wounds. It appears 
that the Indians now drew off, for Captain Frost went 
up from Sturgeon creek, the next day, and buried the 
dead. The enemy next appeared at Sturgeon creek, 
about the latter end of the month, and attacked Cap- 
tain Frost's house, which was preserved only by a 
stratagem. Frost had only three boys with him, but 
by giving orders in an imperious tone, for some to 
march here, and others to fire there, that the Indians 
O 



^ 



314 APPENDIX. 

thought he had a great many men, so went off and 
left him. The next day they appeared against Ports- 
mouth, on the Kittery side, where they killed one 
man and burned his house. Some shot from a can- 
non being thrown among them from a battery on 
Portsmouth side, they thought best to disappear. A 
party of English pursued them, and recovered most 
of their plunder, but killed none. Soon after a 
house and two or three barns were burned atQuioche- 
co, and three or four persons killed about Exeter and 
Lampreyeel river. 

At Casco bay, Lieutenant Tngersol's son, with 
another man, were killed, while out Ifunting. Many 
houses were also burned. At Black point, Lieuten- 
ant Augur with his brother were killed. Captain 
Wincol of Newichwannock, marched this way for 
the relief of his friends, with about fourteen men. 
He soon had a skirmish with the enemy, and lost two 
pr three of his men. Soon after, as they were march- 
ing along on the sea side, they were beset by a great 
body of Indians; but, chancing to get behind some 
timber, from whence they dealt with them with such 
effect, that they soon took to the woods, and the 
English escaped in a canoe. But nine men from 
Saco, having heard the firing, came out to assist their 
fe-llows, and fell into an ambush, and were all killed. 
Two persons were killed at Weils in the beginning 
of winter. At the same place, one Cross and one 
Isaac Cousins were also killed about a week after. 

Depredations were suspended on account of the 
severity of winter. But before the suspension, up- 
wards of fifty people had been killed and taken. In 
the mean time, a peace was concluded through the 
mediation of Major Waldron, which, says Mr. Hub- 
bard, " i;)ight have remained firm enough to this day, 
had there not been too just an occasion given for the 
breaking of the same, by the wicked practice of some 
lewd persons which opened the door, and made way 
for the bringing in all those sad calamities and mis- 



APPENDIX. 315 

chiefs, that have since fallen upon those parts of the 
country." 

But this may be considered as the end of Philip's 
war in the east, although from other causes a war 
continued till J 678. 

Many of Philip's Indians mixed with those at the 
eastward after the fall of that chief, in hopes of 
escaping detection. For they had seen even those 
who delivered themselves up, executed, therefore, 
they were apprised of their fate. Some that had 
killed Thomas Kimbal of Bradford, and carried off 
his family, soon after restored them with the hopes of 
pardon, but it being doubted whether this was a 
sufficient atonement for the whole, they (three of 
them) were thrown into Dover jail. The prisoners 
considering this only as a prelude to their future 
punishment, broke jail, and fled to join the Kenne- 
beck and Androscoggin Indians. Through their in- 
fluence another quarrel was begun. 

The next remarkable occurrence was the capture 
of the four hundred Indians at Quocheco.* For 
other particulars the reader is referred to Mather's 
Magnalia, and Belknap's Newhampshire. 

VI. THE BOLD EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTAN. 

This took place in the latter part of Castings War, 
or as others term it "King William's War;" but as 
it is evident that Castine was the chief mover of it, 
it may very properly be called Castings War. 

On the fifth of March, 1698, the Indians made a 
descent on Haverhill in Massachusetts, in which they 
took and killed thirtynine persons, and burned about 
a half a dozen houses. In the onset, the house of a 
Mr. Dustan was fallen upon, and his wife, who had 
lain in but a week before, and her nurse, Mary Neff, 
were taken.' Mr. Dustan was absent when the In- 

* An account of the affair is given with the history of Ma 
ior Waldron in the third note to page 161. 



316 APPENDIX. 

dians first appeared about the town, and on hearing 
the alarm, ran to the assistance of his family. Meet- 
ing seven of his children near his house, ordered 
them to run, and make their escape to some garrison 
in the town, while he entered the house with intent 
to help his wife escape. She left her bed at the 
warning, but the near approach of the Indians, would 
admit only of a flying retreat ; this Mr. Dustan saw 
was impossible, from the weak state of his wife. A 
moment of horrour and despair brooded over him; in 
which he had to choose whether he would stay and 
suffer with her, or make his escape. He resolved on 
the latter, knowing that he could be no assistance to 
her, amidst an army of savages ; and, that he might 
be to his children, in facilitating their escape. The 
Indians were now upon them, but he having a horse, 
fled before them, and overtook his children, about 
forty rods from the house ; some one of which, he in- 
tended to have taken on the horse with him, and so 
escape. But now he was at a loss, for which one to 
take, he knew not; therefore, he resolved to face 
about, and defend them to the last. Some of the 
enemy drew near and fired upon them, and Mr. Dus- 
tan being armed, also fired upon the Indians, at 
which they gave over the pursuit, and returned to 
share the spoils of the house. Mr. Dustan and his 
seven children (from two to seventeen years of age) 
got safe to a garrison, one or two miles off, where 
we must leave him to bewail the many supposed 
deaths of his wife and infant child. 

The Indians, being about twenty in number, in the 
mean time, seized the nurse, who was making her 
escape with the young child, and taking Mrs. Dus- 
tan, with what plunder could be found from the house, 
set it on fire, and took up their march for Canada. 
The infant was immediately taken from the nurse, 
and a monster taking it by the feet, dashed out its 
brains against a tree. Their whole number of cap- 
tives was now about twelve, which gradually dirnin- 



APPENDIX. 317 

ished on the march. Some, growing weary and 
faint, were killed, scalped, and otherwise mangled, 
and left in the wilderness. Notwithstanding the 
weakness of Mrs. Dustan, she travelled twelve miles 
the first day, and thus bore up under a journey of 
near one hundred and fifty miles, in a few days. 
On their march the Indians divided, according to their 
usual custom, and each family shifted for itself with 
their share of prisoners, for the convenience of hunt- 
ing. Mrs. Dustan, her nurse and an English youth, 
taken from Worcester eighteen months before, fell 
to the lot of an Indian family, consisting of twelve 
persons; two stout men, three women, and seven 
children. The captives were informed, that when 
they arrived at a certain Indian town, they were to 
run the gauntlet, through a great number of Indians. 
But on the thirtieth of April, having arrived at the 
mouth of Contoocook river, they encamped upon a 
small island, and pitched their tents. As all lay 
asleep but Mrs. Dustan, she conceived the bold de- 
sign of putting the Indians to death, and escaping. 
Accordingly, she silently engaged Miss Neff, and 
the English youth, to act a part in the dreadful tra- 
gedy ; infusing her heroism into them, each took a 
tomahawk, and with such deadly effect were the 
blows dealt, that all were slain save two ; one a wo- 
man, who fled desperately wounded, the other a boy, 
whom they intended to have kept. They then took 
off their ten scalps, and returned home in safety. 
The government voted them fifty pounds reward, 
and Colonel Nicholson, the Governour of Maryland, 
made them a valuable present. The island on which 
this memorable affair happened, justly bears the 
name of Dustan's island.* 

* For the principal facts in this narrative I am indebted to 
the Magnalia. 



318 APPENDIX. 



VII.— -SCHENECTADA DESTRC 1TED, 



il 



In the dead of winter, three expeditions were 
planned, and parties of French and Indians despatch- 
ed from Canada, on different routes, to the frontiers 
of the English colonies. One of these parties, on 
February the eighth, 1690, fell on Schenectada,* a 
village on the Mohawk river. Such was the fata? r e- 
curity of the people, that they had not so nvi A as 
shut their gates. The enemy made the attach i? the 
dead time of the night, when the inhabitant cere 
in a profound sleep. Care was taken by a &k ision 
of the enemy into small parties, to attack evf »*■ aouse 
at the same instant. Before the people were risen 
from their beds, the enemy were in possession of 
their dwellings, and commenced the most inhuman 
barbarities. In an instant the whole village was 
wrapped in a general flame. Women were ripped 
up, and their infants dashed against the posts of their 
dours, or cast into the flames. Sixty persons perish- 
ed in the massacre, and about thirty were captivat- 
ed. The rest fled naked in a terrible storm and deep 
snow. In the flight, twentyfive of these unhappy 
fugitives lost their limbs, through the severity of the 
season. 

The enemy consisted of about two hundred French, 
and a number of Caghnuagaf Indians, under the 
command of D'Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne. 
Their first design was against Albany, but having 
\ been two and twenty days on their march, they were 
reduced to such straits, that they had thoughts of 
surrendering themselves prisoners of war. The In- 

* About 14 miles above Albany, on the west side of the 
Mohawk. The country around is a sandy barren, on which 
account it was called Schenectada. 

t This Caghnuaga is in Canada. There is another on the 
Mohawk river, 6 miles below Johnston, hut the inhabi- 
tants here spell it Caughnewaga. 



APPENDIX. 319 

dians. therefore, advised them to Schenectada : and 
it seems that the accounts, which their scouts gave 
them of its fatal security, was the only circumstance 
which determined them to make an attempt, even 
upon this. The enemy pillaged the town, and went 
off with the plunder, and about forty of the best 
horses. The rest, with all the cattle they could find, 
were left slaughtered in the streets. The success of 
the enemy seems to have been principally owing to 
the dispute between Leisler* and the people of Alba- 
ny, in consequence of which this post was neglect- 
ed. 

The Mohawks joining a party of young men from 
Albany, pursued the enemy, and falling on their rear, 
killed and captivated nearly thirty. "f 

VIII. — schuyler's Expedition, and other events. 

The success of the French and Indians against the 
frontier settlements of Newengland, had been great, 
and the inactivity of the people to repel them, had just- 
ly been an object of blame with the Sixnations; for 
their country must at all times afford a pass to them. 
Steps, therefore, must now be taken to retain the 
confidence of those people. 

Major Peter Schuyler, the Washington of his day, 
lived at Albany, where with incredible industry and 
perseverance, he made himself acquainted with all 
the plans and undertakings of the Sixnations, and as 
studiously maintained a friendship with them, which 
extended to all Americans. They had received re- 
peated injuries from the French for a long time, and 
something was now necessary to prove to them, that 
the English were not afraid to meet them on their 
own ground. Accordingly, in 1691, Major Schuyler, 
" with about three hundred men, nearly half Mo- 

* Afterwards executed for assuming the government of 
Newyork. See Smith's Hist. N. Y. 121 to 129. 

t Trumbull's Hist. U. S. I, 215 to 217. 



320 APPENDIX. 

hawks and Schakook* Indians, passed Lake Cham- 
plain, and made a bold attack on the French settle- 
ments north of the lake. Meanwhile, De Callieres, the 
Governour of Montreal, spared no pains to give him 
a proper reception. He crossed the river with twelve 
hundred men, and encamped at La Praire. Schuy- 
ler attacked and put to flight his out posts and In- 
dians, pursued them to the fort, and on that com- 
menced a brisk attack. He had a sharp and brave 
action with the French regulars, and afterward forc- 
ing his way through a body of the enemy, who in- 
tercepted him, on his return, made good his retreat. 
In these several conflicts, the Major slew of the ene- 
my, thirteen officers, and in the whole three hundred 
men ; a greater number than he carried with him 
into the field."f 

Before this, in 1688, twelve hundred warriours of 
the Sixnations, made a descent on the island of Mon- 
treal, slew a thousand of the inhabitants, and carried 
off twentysix prisoners, whom they burnt alive. 
About three months after, they attacked the island 
again, and went off with nearly the same success. 
" These expeditions had the most dismal consequen- 
ces on the affairs of the French in Canada." They 
had a garrison at lake Ontario, which they now aban- 
doned, and fled in canoes down the Cadarackui in 
the night ; and, in descending the falls, a great num- 
ber of men were lost. The warriours then took pos- 
session of the garrison, and twentyseven barrels of 
powder fell into their hands. Nothing but the ignor- 
ance of the Sixnations, in the European art of war, 
saved Canada from total ruin ; and, what will ever be 
lamented, the colonies, through the caprice of their 
European lords, were unable to lend them any assist- 
ance. With a little help from the English, a period 
would have been put to the torrents of blood that 

• Trumbull, I, 221, but at SOI, he spells it as seen in Phil- 
ip's war, page 68 except that he used but one t 
t Ibid. 221-225. 



APPENDIX. 321 

flowed until., the conquest by the immortal Wolf and 
Amherst, in 1760. 

IX. DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD. 

In 1703, the plan was laid to cut off the frontier 
inhabitants of Newengland, from one extremity to the 
other, but it was not fully executed. Though the 
eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were de- 
stroyed, and one hundred and thirty people killed and 
taken, the western frontiers remained unmolested, 
and were lulled into a fatal security. From the In- 
dians that traded at Albany, Colonel Schuyler receiv- 
ed intelligence of a design in Canada to fall upon 
Deerfield, of which the inhabitants were informed in 
May. " The design not being carried into execution 
in the course of the summer, the intelligence was 
not enough regarded. But the next winter, 1704, 
M. Vaudrieul, [Vaudreuil] Governour of Canada, re- 
sumed the project with much attention." 

The history of this affair from the accomplished 
historian of Vermont, Dr. Samuel Williams, is per- 
haps more particularly interesting, as he is an imme- 
diate descendant of a principal sufferer, the Rev. 
John Williams, I give it in his own words. 

" Deerfield, at that time, was the most northerly 
settlement on Connecticut river, a few families at 
Northfield excepted. Against this place, M. Vau- 
drieul sent out a party of about three hundred French 
and Indians. They were put under the command of 
Hertel de Rouville, assisted by four of his brothers ; 
all of which had been trained up to the business by 
their father, who had been a famous partizan in their 
former wars. The route they took, was by the way 
of Lake Champlain, till they came to the French 
river, now called Onion river. Advancing up that 
stream, they passed over to Connecticut river, and 
travelled on the ice till they came near to Deerfield. 
Mr. Williams, their minister, had been mucn" appre- 
o 



322 APPENDIX 

hensive of danger, and attempted to make the same 
impression on the minds of his people, but not with 
sufficient success; but upon his application, the go- 
vernment of the province had sent a guard of twenty 
soldiers for their assistance. The fortifications were 
some slight works thrown round two or three garri- 
son houses, but were nearly covered in some places 
with drifts of snow. To this place, Rouville with 
his party, approached on February the twentyninth 
Hovering round the place, he sent out nis spies for 
intelligence. The watch kept the streets of the town 
till about two hours before day, and then, unfortu- 
nately, all of them went to sleep. Perceiving all to 
be quiet, the enemy embraced the opportunity and 
rushed on to the attack. The snow was so high, 
that they had no difficulty in jumping over the walls 
of the fortification ; and immediately separated into 
small parties, to appear before every house at the 
same time. The place was completely surprised, 
and the enemy were entering the houses at the mo- 
ment the inhabitants had the first suspicion of their 
approach. The whole village was carried in a few 
hours, and with very little resistance ; one of the gar- 
rison houses only, being able to hold out against the 
enemy. 

Having carried the place, slain fortyseven of the 
inhabitants, captured the rest, and plundered the vil- 
lage, the enemy set it on fire ; and an hour after sun 
rise on the same day, recreated in great haste. A small 
party of the English pursued them, and a skirmish 
ensued the same day, in which a few were lost on 
both sides. The enemy, however, completely suc- 
ceeded in their enterprize, and returned to Canada 
on the same route, carrying with them one hundred 
and twelve of the inhabitants of Deerfield, as prisoners 
of war. They were twentyfive days on their march 
from Deerfield to Chambly ; and like their masters, 
the savages, depended on hunting for their support. 
On their arrival in Canada, they found much hu- 



APrENDIX 323 

manity and kindness from the Fren ,n. nnd from M. 
Vaudrieul their Governour ; but compuunt r] nuch 
of the intolerance, bigotry, and duplicity nx the 
priests."* 

Among the captives was the minister of (&.«■>'' own, 
Rev. John Williams. As the Indians en'ter* 1 his 
room, he took down his pistol, and present era it to 
the breast of the foremost, but it missed fire. They 
then laid hold on him, and bound him naked as he 
was, and thus kept him for the space of an hour. In 
the mean time two of the children were carried out 
and killed ; also a negro woman. His wife, who was 
hardly recovered from childbed, was with the rest 
marched for Canada. The second day, in wading a 
river, Mrs. Williams fainted and fell, but with assist- 
ance was kept along a little farther; when at the 
foot of a hill she began to falter, her savage master, 
with one blow of his tomahawk, put an end to her 
miseries. 

The distance they had to march was at least three 
hundred miles. At different times the most of the 
prisoners were redeemed and returned home. Mr. 
Williams and fiftyseven others arrived at Boston from 
Quebeck, in 1706. One of his daughters, Eunice, 
married an Indian, and became a convert to the Ro- 
man Catholick religion, which she never would con- 
sent to forsake. She frequently visited her friends 
in Newengland ; " but she uniformly persisted in 
wearing her blanket and counting her beads. "f 

Mr. Williams, after his return, was invited to preach 
near Boston ; but refused every offer, and returned 
again to Deerfield and collected his scattered flock, 
with whom he continued until 1728; "dying in 
peace, beloved by his people, and lamented by his 
v country." He published a history of his captivity, 
'which, when Dr. Williams, his grand son, wrote his 

• Williams' Hist. Vermont, I, 304-307. 
t Holmes' American Annals, II, 63. 



324 APPENDIX. 

history of Vermont, had passed through seven edi 
tions.* 



A. RAVAGES OF THE EASTERN INDIANS. 

In 1707, the frontiers suffered extremely. Oystei 
river, Exeter, Kingstown, and Dover in Newhamp- 
shire ; Berwick, York, Wells, Winterharbour, Casco, 
and even Marlborough in Massachusetts, were con- 
siderably damaged. In 1710, Col. Walton with one 
hundred and seventy men made an expedition to 
Norridgewock, in the beginning of winter. The 
chief of that place was taken and killed,-]- and many 
more. The next year is rendered memorable by the 
great expedition against Canada; memorable only 
for its bad success, and the monstrous debt it brought 
upon the Colonies. In 1713, a peace was concluded 
with France, in consequence of which the eastern 
Indians desired peace with the colonies, which was 
accordingly brought about.J It was however of 
short duration. In August 1717, it was renewed at 
Arrowsike,§ but was broken within two years after, 

* Hist. Vermont. 

f His name was Arruhawikwabemt, "an active bold fellow, 
and one of an undaunted spirit ; for, when he was asked 
several questions, he made no reply ; and when they threat- 
ened him with death, he laughed at'it with contempt." Pen- 
hallow, 70. 

I The delegates met at Portsmouth, N. H., 11 July, and a 
treaty was signed the 13. The articles are preserved entire 
in Penhallow's History, 82-85. 

§ Penhallow, paere 90, relates a story concerning the abun- 
dance of Ducks at this place, which, though we do not doubt 
it, is certainly equally astonishing to many Jish stories. 
About three days after the renewal of the treaty, " a number 
of Indians went a duck hunting, which was a season of the 
yeai that the old ones generally shed their feathers in, and 
the young ones are not so well flushed as to be able to fly ; 
they drove them like a flock of sheep before the n into the 
creeks, where without either powder or shot they killed at 
one time, four thousand and six hundred." The English 
bought for ^ penny a dozen. 



APPENDIX. 325 

and various hostilities committed. The goveiiLr^J, 
in 1721, ordered a party of men to Norridgewock, 
their chief town, but on their approach, the Indians 
all fled into the woods. One Sebastian Kalle, or 
Eolle dwelt there, as a missionary among them, and 
was supposed to have stirred up the Indians to hos- 
tilities, as Castine formerly had. Nothing was effect- 
ed by the expedition, except the bringing away of 
some of Ealle's papers, by which it was discovered, 
that he was instigator in the war. This was thought 
by the Indians to be such an insult on the divine 
agency, that they now made war their business. In 
June, 1722, a large body struck a deadly blow on 
Merry meeting bay, a village on an arm of the Win- 
nipissaukee,* where they took nine families. f Short- 
ly after, at Passammaquaddy, they took a vessel with 
passengers, and burned Brunswick. 

War was now declared on the part of the English, 
and in February, Col. Westbrook with one hundred 
and thirty men, ranged the coast with small vessels 
as far as Mountdesert. " On his leturn he sailed up 
the Penobscot, and about thirty two miles above the 
anchoring place, for the transports, discovered the 
Indian Castle. It was seventy feet long and fifty 
broad. Within were twentythree well finished wig- 
wams. Without was a handsome church, sixty feet 
long and thirty broad. There was also a commo- 
dious house for their priest. But these were all de- 
stroyed, and nothing more was accomplished by the 
expedition, than the barbarous business of burning 
this Indian village. 

* There are many ways used in writing this word, Douglass, on 
the same page has it two ways; and few early authors write it 
alike, but all, or nearly all, seem to aim at the sound which I have 
endeavoured to give it. And, as the inhabitants, who dwell around 
this la-ke, pronounce it so, I see no reason why we should not writ© 
it so; especially, as it was the most early way, and, no doubt, so 
called by the natives themselves. 

f Most of these were afterward set at liberty. Penhallow, 98. 



326 APPENDIX. 

Afterwards Captain Moultonwent up with a party 
of men to Norridgewock, but the village was de- 
serted. He was a brave and prudent man, and, pro- 
bably, imagining that moderation and humanity 
might excite the Indians to a more favourable con- 
duct towards the English, he left their houses and 
Church standing." ■ 

In April, 1723, eight persons were killed or taken 
at Scarborough and Falmouth. " Among the dead 
was a Sergeant Chubb, whom the Indians imagining 
to be Captain Harman, against whom they had con- 
ceived the utmost malignity, fifteen aiming at him 
at the same instant, lodged eleven bullets in his 
body. 

Besides other mischiefs, the enemy, the summer 
following, surprised Casco, with other harbours in 
its vicinity, and captured sixteen or seventeen sail of 
fishing vessels. The vessels belonged to Massachu- 
setts ; but Governour Philips of Novascotia, happen- 
ing to be at Casco, ordered two sloops to be imme- 
diately manned and dispatched in pursuit of the ene- 
my. The sloops were commanded by John Eliot of 
Boston, and John Robinson of cape Anne. As Eliot 
was ranging the coast he discovered seven vessels in 
Winepang harbour. He concealed his men, except 
four or five, and made directly for the harbour. 
Coming nearly up to one of the vessels, on board of 
which was about sixty Indians, in high expectation 
of another prize, they hoisted their pendants and 
cried out ' Strike English dogs and come aboard for 
you are all prisoners.' Eliot answered that he would 
make all the haste he could. As he made no attempts 
to escape, the enemy soon suspected mischief, cut 
their cable and attempted to gain the shore ; but im- 
mediately boarding them he prevented their escape. 
For about half an hour they made brave resistance, 
but Eliot's hand grenadoes made such a havock 
among them, that at length, those who had not been 
killed, took to the water where they were a fair 



APPENDIX. 327 

mark for the English musketeers. Five only reached 
the shore. Eliot received three bad wounds, had one 
man killed and several wounded. He recovered 
seven vessels, several hundred quintals of fish, and 
fifteen captives. Many of the captives had been 
sent away, and nine had been murdered in cold blood. 
Robinson retook two vessels and killed several of 
the enemy. 

The loss of such a number of men determined the 
enemy to seek revenge on the poor fishermen. 
Twenty of these yet remained in their hands, at the 
harbour of Malagasb, [where the remainder of the 
vessels lay which they had taken from the English, 
and were inaccessible to Captain Eliot.] These 
were all destined to be sacrificed to the manes of the 
slaughtered Indians. At the very time, that the pow- 
awing and other ceremonies, attending such horri- 
ble purposes, were just commencing, Captain Blin, 
who sometime before had been a prisoner among 
them, arrived off the harbour ; and made the signal, 
or sent in a token, which it had been agreed between 
them, should be the sign of protection. Three In- 
dians came aboard, and an agreement was made for 
the ransom both of the ships and captives. These 
were delivered and the ransom paid. Captain Blin 
in his way to Boston, captivated a number of them, 
near cape Sable ; and Captain Southack a number 
more, which they brought on with them to Boston." 

In September they made a descent on the island 
of Arrowsike, where they burned the houses, killed 
the cattle, and then retired to their head quarters at 
Norridgewock. There was a garrison on the island 
of about forty men, but their number was so small 
compared with that of the enemy, that no sally was 
made-. 

The beginning of the next year, 1724, was alto- 
gether unfavourable to the English. People were 
killed at Cape Porpoise, Black Point, and Berwick ; 
also at Lamprey, and Oyster rivers, and Kingston, 
'n Newhampshire. 



328 APPENDIX. 

"Captain Josiah Winslow, who had been station- 
ed at the fort on St. George's river, with part of his 
company, had been surprised and cut off. He went 
out from the fort with two whaleboats, fourteen white 
men, and three Indians. It seems the enemy watch- 
ed their motions, and on their return, suddenly sur- 
rounded them, with thirty canoes, whose compliment 
was not less than a hundred Indians. The English 
attempted to land, but were intercepted, and nothing 
remained but to sell their lives as dearly as possible. 
They made a brave defence, but every Englishman 
was killed. The three Indians escaped to report 
their hapless fall. Flushed with these successes, the 
enemy attempted still greater feats on the water. 
They took two shallops at the isles of shoals. They 
then made seizures of other vessels in different har- 
bours. Among others they took a large schooner 
carrying two swivel guns. This they manned and 
cruised along the coast. It was imagined that a 
small force would be able to conquer these raw sai- 
lors. A shallop of sixteen, and a schooner of twenty 
men, under Captains Jackson and Lakeman, were 
armed and sent in pursuit of the enemy. They soon 
came up with them, but raw as they were, they obli- 
ged the English vessels to sheer off, and leave them 
to pursue their own course, who took eleven vessels 
and fortyfive men. Twentytwo they killed, and the 
others they carried into captivity." 

While these affairs were passing at sea, the inland 
country suffered also. " Mischief was done at Gro- 
ton, Rutland, Northampton, and Dover. In all these 
places more or less were killed, some wounded, and 
others carried into captivity." 

The scene is now to change. The English are 
resolved to visit the Indians at their head quarters, 
at Norridgewock. Accordingly, Captains Moulton, 
Harman, and Bourne, with two hundred and eighty 
men, arrived at Taconnock, up the Kennebeck river, 
the twentieth of August. Here they left their boats 



APPENDIX. 329 

and forty men to guard them, and proceeded the 
next day for Norridgewock. " In the evening they 
discovered two women, the wife and daughter of 
Bomazeen, the famous warriour and chieftain of 
JNorridgewock. They fired upon them and killed his 
daughter, and then captivated his wife. By her they 
obtained a good account of the state of the village. 
On the twentythird they came near it, and as they 
imagined that part of the Indians would be in their 
corn fields, at some distance, it was thought expedi- 
ent to make a division of the army." Captain Har- 
man marched with eighty men into the fields — 
" Moulton with the remainder marched directly for 
the village. About three o'clock it opened sudden- 
ly upon them. The Indians were all in their wig- 
wams entirely secure. Moulton marched his men in 
the profoundest silence, and ordered that not one of 
them should fire at random, through the wigwams, 
nor till they should receive the enemy's fire ; as he 
expected they would come out in a panic and over- 
shoot them. At length an Indian stepping out, dis- 
covered the English close upon them. He instantly 
gave the war hoop, and sixty warriours rushed out to 
meet them. The Indians fired hastily without in- 
juring a man. The English returned the fire with 
great effect, and the Indians instantly fled to the riv- 
er. Some jumped into their canoes, others into the 
river, which the tallest of them were able to ford. 
Moulton closely pursuing them, drove them from 
their canoes, and killed them in the river, so that it 
was judged, that not more than fifty of the whole vil- 
lage reached the opposite shore. Some of these 
were shot before they reached the woods. 

The English then returning to the village, found 
father Ralle, the Jesuit, firing from one of the wig- 
wams on a small number of men who had not bt n 
in the pursuit of the enemy. One of these he woun - 
ed ; in consequence of which, one Lieuten-wt J 



330 APPENDIX. 

ques burst the door and shot him through the head. 
Captain Moulton had given orders not to kil. him. 
Jaques excused himself, affirming that Ralla waa 
loading his piece, and refused to give or take quar- 
ter. With the English there were three Mohawks. 
Mogg,* a famous Indian warriour firing from a wig- 
wam killed one of them. His brother in a rage flew 
to the wigwam, burst the door, and instantly killed 
Mogg. The English followed in a rage and killed 
his squaw and two helpless children." After the ac 
tion Harman arrived and they all lodged in the vil- 
lage. " In the morning they found twentysix dead 
bodies, besides that of the Jesuit. Among the dead 
were Bomazeen.Mogg, Wissememet, and Bomazeen's 
son in law, all famous warriours."f 

The inhumanity of the English to the women and 
children cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the 
lustre of the victory. J 

The Norridgewocks were now broken down, and 
they never made any figure afterwards.^ 

XL — lovewell's fight. 

Perhaps the celebrated story of "Lovewell's 
Fight," cannot be given, to interest the present age, 
better than in the language of the old song, composed 
just after it happened. It is a simple and true nar- 
rative of the affair. 

1 Of worthy Captain Lovewell,|l I purpose now to sing, 
liow valiantly he served his country and his King ; 

* In Philip's War there was a chief by this name. Mr. 
Hubbard called him " Mug the rogue." 

f " The number in all that were killed [of the enemy] was 
supposed to be eighty." Penhallow, 108. 

| « It may," says Penhallow, ib. " be as noble an exploit, 
(all things considered) as ever happend in the time of King 
Philip." 

§ The above article is taken from Dr. Trumbull's Hist. U. 
S. Chap. IX. 

11 Captain John Lovewell lived in Dunstable, New * 



APPENDIX. 331 

He and his valiant soldiers, did range the woods full wide, 
And hardships they endured to quell the Indians' pride. 

2 'Twas nigh unto Pigwacket,* on the eighth day of May,f 
They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day ; 
He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land, 
Which leads into a pond I as we're made to understand. 

S Our men resolv'd to have him and travell'd two miles round, 
Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground ; 
Then spake up Captain Lovewell, "Take you good heed," 

says he, 
" This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see.§ 

4 " The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh at hand, 
" In order to surround us upon this neck of land ; 

" Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave his 

pack,|| 
" That we may briskly fight them when they make their 

attack." 

5 They came unto this Indian, who did them thus defy, 
As soon as they came nigh him, two guns he did let fly,1T 

shire, then Massachusetts. " He was a son of Zacheus Love- 
well, an Ensign in the army of Oliver Cromwell, who came 
to this country and settled at Dunstable, where he died at 
the age of one hundred and twenty years, the oldest white 
man who ever died in the state of Newhampshire." Far- 
mer and Moore's Col. Ill, 64. 

* Situated on the upper part of the river Saco, then 50 
miles from any white settlement. lb. I, 27. It is in the 
present town of Fryeburg, Maine. 

f They set out from Dunstable about the 16 April, 1725. 
Symmes' narrative, in Farmer and Moore's Col. I, 27. 

J Called Saco pond. Some call this Lovewell's pond, but 
Lovewell's pond is in Wakefield, where he some time before, 
captured a company of Indians, who were on their way to 
attack some of the frontier towns. 

§ This Indian was out a hunting, and probably had no 
knowledge of the English, having two ducks in his hand, and 
nis guns loaded with beaver shot. Symmes and Belknap. 

|| The Indians finding their packs, learned their number, 
and placed themselves to surround them, when they return- 
ed. 

IT It appears from Mr. Symmes, that the English saw the 
Jn'Uan coming, and secreted themselves, firing at him first 



332 APPENDIX. 

Which wounded Captain Lovewell, and likewise one man 

more,* [gore.7 

But when this rogue was running, they laid him in his 

8 Then having scalp'd the Indian, they went back to the spot, 
Where they had laid their packs down, hut there they 

found them not, 
For the Indians having spy'd them, when they them down 

did lay, 
Did seize them for their plunder, and carry them away. 

7 These rebels lay in ambush, this very place hard by, 
So that an English soldier did one of them espy, 

And cried out " Here's an Indian," with that they started 

out, 
As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout 

8 With that our valiant English, all gave a loud huzza, 
To shew the rebel Indians they fear'd them not a straw : 
So now the fight began, and as fiercely as could be, 

The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forc'd to flee.J 

9 Then spake up Captain Lovewell, when first the fight be- 

gan, 
" Fight on my valiant heroes! you see they fall like rain." 
For as we are inform'd, the Indians were so thick, 
A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of them hit. 

10 Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to surround, 
But they could not accomplish it, because there was a pond, 
To which our men retreated and covered all the rear,§ 
The rogues were forc'd to flee them, altho' they skulk-d 

for fear. 

He then, having two guns, discharged both, and wounded 
the Captain mortally. 

* Samuel Whiting. 

t Ensign Wyman shot him, and Mr. Frye, the chaplain, 
and another, scalped him. Symmes. 

J Both parties advanced with their guns presented, and 
vmen they came within " a few yards," they fired on both 
sides. " The Indians fell in considerable numbers, but the 
English, most, if not all of them, escaped the first shot." lb. 
Then advancing within twice the length of their guns, slew 
nine. Penhallow. __; 

§ Twelve were killed and wounded before they retreated 
to the pond. There was a small bank, which served them 



APPENDIX. 333 

1 1 Two logs there were behind them, that close together lay- 
Without being discovered, they could not get away ; 
Therefore our valiant English, they travelled in a row, 
And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go. 

12 'T was 10 o'clock in the morning, when first the fight begun, 
And fiercely did continue until the setting sun , 
Excepting that the Indians, some hours before 'twas night, 
Drew off into the bushes and ceased awhile to fight.* 

13 But soon again returned, in fierce and furious mood, 
Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud ; 
For as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell, 
Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well.| 

14 And that our valiant English, till midnight there did stay, 
To see whether the rebels would have another fray ; 

But they no more returning, they made off towards their 

home, [come.f 

And brought away their wounded as far as they could 

15 Of all our valiant English, there were but thirtyfour, 
And of the rebel Indians, there were about four score. 
And sixteen of our English did safely home return, 

The rest were killed and wounded, for which we all must 
mourn. § 

as a breastwork, and, perhaps, saved them from an immediate 
defeat. This is the more probable, as but few were killed 
afterward. lb. 

* They probably drew off to take care of the wounded. 
Symmes nor Penhallow makes no mention that they return- 
ed again to the fight, after they drew off. 

f Forty were said to be killed upon the spot, and eighteen 
more died of their wounds. Penhallow. 

J Solomon Keyes, after receiving three wounds, crawled 
along the shore of the pond, where he chanced to find an old 
canoe, into which he rolled himself, and the wind wafted 
bim on several miles toward the fort, which he reached in 
safety. He felt his end approaching, when he was in the 
boat, into which he had crawled, only to die in peace, and to 
escape the scalping knife, but wonderfully revived. Symmes. 

§ Eight were left in the woods, whose wounds were so bad 
that they could not travel, of whom two only returned. On« 
ran away in the beginning of the fight. 



334 



APPENDIX. 



16 Our worthy Captain Lovewell among them there did die 
They killed Lt. Robins,* and wounded good young Frye, 
Who was our English chaplain ; he many Indians slew, 
And some of them he sealp'd when bullets round him flew 

17 Young Fullam J too I'll mention, "because he fought so wellj 
Endeavouring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell , 

But yet our valiant Englishmen in fight were ne'er dis- 

may'd, [made. 

But still they kept their motion, and Wyman ? s§ Captain 

18 Who shot the old chief Paugus,|| which did the foe defeat, 
Then set his men in order, and brought off the retreat ; 
And braving many dangers and hardships in the way, 
They safe arriv'd at Dunstable, the thirteenth day of 

Mav.1T 

In the beginning of the war, one hundred pounds 
were offered by the government for every Indian 
scalp. Captain Lovewell and his company in about 

* He belonged to Chelmesford. Being mortally wounded, 
desired to have two guns charged, and left with him, which 
they did. He said, " As the Indians will come in the morn- 
ing to scalp me, I will kill one more of them if I can." lb. 

t He fell about the middle of the afternoon. He was the 
only son of Capt. James Frye of Andover, graduated at Har- 
vard college in 1723, and was chaplain of the company. lb. 

J Only son of Major Fuliam of Weston, was sergeant oi 
the company, and fell in the beginning of the fight. lb. 

§ Ensign Seth Wyman of Woburn. He was presented 
with a silver hilted sword for his good conduct, and commis- 
sioned Captain. He died soon after. 

I) Many of Lovewell's men knew Paugus personally. A 
huge bear's skin formed a part of his dress. From Mr. 
Symmes' account, it appears that John Chamberlain killed 
him. They had spoken together some time in the fight, 
and afterward both happened to go to the pond to wash out 
their guns, which were rendered useless by so frequent 
firing. Here the challange was given by Paugus, " It is you 
or I." As soon as the guns were prepared they fired, and 
Paugus fell. 

If Wyman and three others did not arrive until the 15th, 
but the main body, consisting of twelve, arrived the 13th. 



APPENDIX. 335 

three months made twelve hundred pounds. This 
stimulated them to attack the village of Pigwocket, 
where, if successful, they considered their fortunes 
sure. It was a heavy loss to the country, but this 
nearly finished the war. The Indians formed no 
considerable body in these parts afterward. A long 
and happy peace followed. 

The above song is taken from the valuable Histori- 
cal Collections of Farmer and Moore. 

I cannot refuse the beautiful lines of Mr. Thomas 
C. Upham, " a N. Hampshire poet," a place in this 
work. They were occasioned by a visit to the place 
of Lovewell's Fight.* 

Ah! where are the soldiers that fought here of yore? 
The sod is upon them, they'll struggle no more. 
The hatchet is fallen, the red man is low ; 
But near him reposes the arm of his foe. 

The bugle is silent, the warhoop is dead ; 
There's a murmur of waters and woods in their stead 
And the raven and owl chant a symphony drear, 
From the dark waving pines o'er the combatant's bier. 

The li^ht of the sun has just sunk in the wave, 
And along time ago sat the sun of the brave. 
The waters complain, as they roll o'er the stones, 
And the rank grass encircles a few scatter'd bones. 

The names of the fallen the traveller leaves 

Cut out with his knife in the bark of the trees, 

But little avail his affectionate arts, 

For the names of the fallen are graved in our hearts. 

The voice of the hunter is loud on the breeze, 
There's a dashing of waters, a rustling of trees ; 
But the jangling of armour hath all pass'd away, 
No gushing of lifeblood is here seen to day. 

The eye that was sparkling, no longer is bright, 
The arm of the mighty, death conquered its might, 

* Taken from Farmer and Moore's Col. 1, 35 



336 APPENDIX. 

The bosoms that once for their country beat high, 
To those bosoms the sods of the valley are nigh. 

Sleep, soldiers of merit, sleep, gallants of yore, 
The hatchet is fallen, the struggle is o'er. 
While the fir tree is green and the wind rolls a wave, 
The tear drop shall brighten the turf of the brave. 

XII. ANECDOTES, NARRATIVES, &C, OF THE IN- 
DIANS. 

1. Among the first settlers of Brunswick, Maine, 
was Daniel Malcolm, a man of undaunted courage, 
and an inveterate enemy of the Indians, who gave 
him the name of Sungurnumby, that is, a very strong 
man. Early in the spring, he ventured alone into 
the forest for the purpose of splitting rails from the 
spruce, not apprehensive of Indians so early in the 
season. While engaged in his work, and having 
opened a log with small wedges about half its length 
he was surprised by Indians, who crept up and se- 
cured his musket, standing by his side. " Sungur- 
numby," said the chief, " now me got you ; long me 
want you ; you long speak Indian, long time worry 
him ; me have got you now ; look up stream to Ca- 
nada." — "Well," said Malcolm, with true sangfroid, 
" you have me ; but just help me open this log be- 
fore I go." They all (five in number) agreed. Mal- 
colm prepared a large wooden wedge, carefully 
drove it, took out his small wedges, and told the In- 
dians to put in their fingers to the partially clefted 
wood, and help pull it open. They did ; he then sud- 
denly struck out his blunt wedge, and the elastick 
wood instantly closed fast on their fingers, and he 
secured them.* 

2. Origin of the name of a bridge in Salisbury 
•TV. H., known by the name of " Indian Bridge." — ■ 
In the fall of the year 1753, two Indians, named Sa- 

* Farmer and Moore, HI, 103. 



APPENDIX. 337 

batis and Plausawa, came into Canterbury with furs. 
They here met two men from Newbury, whom they 
knew, but were not pleased at seeing them, and be- 
gan to make off. Sabatis seemed disposed to do 
mischief, but was prevented by Plausawa. The two 
Englishmen offered to buy their furs. They refused, 
and said they would not sell furs to the English, but 
would go to Canada; but afterward they offered to 
trade for rum. They had rum, but would not sell 
it to them, thinking that they were ill disposed. As 
they were about to leave the Indians, one of them, 
Plausawa, appeared friendly, and advised them to 
avoid meeting with Indians. When they had gone 
a little distance from the Indians, Sabatis called 
them, and said, " No more you English come here ; 
me heart bad ; me kill you." One of the English 
replied, "No kill — English and Indians now all 
brothers." As they left the Indians, they met one 
Peter Bowen going toward them. They told him of 
the temper the Indians had showed, and tried to dis- 
suade him. He replied, that he was not afraid of 
them ; that be was acquainted with Indians and knew 
how to deal with them. The Indians had got into 
their canoe, and were going up the river, when Bow- 
en called to them, and invited them to go to his 
house, and stay all night ; and that he would give 
them some rum. They went with him to his house, 
which was in Contoocook. The night was spent in 
a drunken frolick, in which Bowen did not fail to 
act his part ; being much accustomed to their modes 
of life. In the midst of the frolick, Bowen took the 
caution to unload their guns. The next morning he 
took his horse to convey their packs to their boats. 
As they were going, Sabatis proposed to Bowen to 
run with his horse. A race being agreed upon and 
performed, in which Sabatis beat Bowen on horse- 
back, at which he was much pleased, and laughed 
heartily, After proceeding along a little further 

P 22 



338 APPENDIX. 

Sabatis said to him, " Bowen walk woods," meaning 
that Bowen was his prisoner. Bowen said, "No 
walk woods, all one brothers." Another race soon 
followed, in which Sabatis fell in the rear, and Bow- 
en hearing a gun snap, looked round and saw a flash 
from Sabatis' gun, which was pointed at him. He 
turned back and laid him dead with a blow of his 
tomahawk. Plausawa was further behind, and as 
Bowen came toward him, he leveled his gun and it 
snapped also ; he then fell on his knees and begged 
for his life, but Bowen knew he should be in danger 
so long as the friend of Sabatis lived, so he despatch- 
ed him in like manner. He then hid the bodies un- 
der a bridge, which were found the next spring and 
buried. From this affair is the name of Indian 
Bridge derived.* 

3. Origin of the peopling of Nantucket by the In- 
dians. It is told that in a remote period of antiqui- 
ty, an eagle made a descent on some part of the 
coast of what is now Newengland, and carried off a 
young Indian in his talons. The weeping parents 
made bitter lamentations, and with eager eyes saw 
their child borne out of sight, over the trackless 
deep. They resolved to follow in the same direc- 
tion. Accordingly they set out in their canoes, and 
after a perilous passage descried the island. The) 
landed and after much search found the bones ol 
the child. 

4. An anecdote of the colony of Sagadthock. 
" The Norridgowock Indians have this tradition 

that this company engaged a number of Indians, who 
had come to trade with them, to draw a cannon, oy 
a long rope; that the moment they were ranged in 
a strait line, the white people discharged the piece, 
which killed and wounded a number. Their story is, 
that the indignation of the natives for this bsrba- 

• Ibid. Ill, 27. 



APPENDIX. 339 

rous treachery, compelled the company to embark 
to save their own lives."* 

5. u A letter from King Philip to Governouf 
Prince, copied from the original, which belongs to 
Mr. White, of Plymouth. The words are spelt as in 
the original letter.'''' 

King Philip desire to let you understand that he 
could not come to the court, for Tom, his interpreter 
has a pain in his back, that he could not travil so 
far, and Philip sister is very sick. 

Philip would intreat that favor, of you, and aney 
of the majestrates, if aney English or Engians speak 
about aney land, he preay you to give them no an- 
swer at all. This last sumer he made that promis 
with you, that he would not sell no land in 7 years 
time, for that he would have no English trouble him 
before that time, he has not forgot that you promis 
him. 

He will come a sune as posible he can to speak 
with you, and so I rest, your verey loveing friend, 
Philip, dwelling at mount hope nek 
To the much honered 

Governer, Mr. Thomas Prince, 
dwelling at Plymouth.*)* 

6. Singularity of the Indian language. Thus the 
word Nummatchekodtantamooonganunnonash signi- 
fies no more in English, than our lusts; and Noo- 
womantammooonkanunonnash nomore than our loves. 
A yet longer word (if so such an assemblage of let- 
ters may be called) Kummogkodonattoottummooeti- 
tcaongannunnonash is to express only our question^ 

7. A proof of King Philip's humanity. The ances- 
ter of Col. B. Cole, of Warren, Ithodeisland, came 
to this country and settled at Tuisset.§ He in time, 

) • Morse and Parish's Hist. N. Eng. J 7. 

t Mass. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 40. The Editor writes at the 
bottom of the letter, " There is no date to the letter, it was 
probably written about 1660 or 1670." 

•f See Magnalia, I, 507. 

§ A neck ofland on the east side of Keekarnuit river. 



340 APPENDIX. 

became acqainted with Philip, and always lived in 
habits of friendship with him. In June 1675, Philip 
informed him that his young men were very eager to 
go to war against the English ; but when he could 
no longer restrain them he would let him know. Ac- 
cordingly on an evening previous to the' fatal 24, 
canoes arrived from Mounthope with advise from 
Philip, that Mr. Cole and family must go over to R. 
I., as his people would begin the war. They em- 
barked, and the next morning their dwellings were 
burned. Col. B. Cole, is of the fourth generation.* 

8. An Indian Snare. To take large animals they 
sometimes built two extensive fences, perhaps a mile 
apart at one extremity, and at the other nearly meet- 
ing, forming an angle, generajly, something less than 
a right one. At this point or opening they contrived 
to bend down a tree of sufficient strength to suspend 
the largest animals. " An English mare having once 
strayed away ; was caught, and like Mahomet's fabled 
coffin, raised between the heavens and earth, in one 
of these snares. The Indians arriving, and seeing 
her struggling on the tree, ran immediately, and in- 
formed the English that their squaw horse was hang- 
ing on a tree."f 

9. Anecdote of Massassoit. " Mr. Winslow, J com- 
ing in his bark from Connecticut to Narragenset, — 
and he left her there, — and intending to return by 
land, he went to Osamekin the sagamore, [Massas- 
soit] his old ally, who offered to conduct him home 
to Plimouth. But, before they took their journey, 
Osamekin sent one of his men to Plimouth to tell 
them that Mr. Winslow was dead ; and directed him 
to show how and where he was killed. Whereupon 
there was much fear and sorrow at Plimouth. The 
next day, when Osamekin brought him home, they 

* Oral account of Col. Cole. 

f Morse and Parish's N. Eng. 222 . 

X Mr Edward Winslow. 



APPENDIX. 341 

asked him why he se~ uch word, &c. He answer- 
ed, that it was their n .in. er to do so, that they might 
be more welcome wh< r» hey came home."* This 
was in 1634. 

10. Singular descriptk^> Dr. Mather says there 
fell into his hands the mv?t script of a Jesuit, em- 
ployed by the French to instruct the Iroquois In- 
dians in religion ; in which was " one chapter about 
Heaven, and another about Hell, wherein are such 
thick skulled passages as these." " ' Q. How is the 
soyl made in Heaven 6 ? A. 'Tis a very fair soyl, they 
want neither for meats nor clothes : 'tis but wishing 
and we have them. Q. Are they employed in Heav- 
en'? A. No ; they do nothing ; the fields yield corn, 
beans, pumpkins, and the like without any tillage." 
After a few others that amount to no more or less, it 
proceeds thus in the examination of Hell. " ' Q. 
What sort of soyl is that of hell? A. A very 
wretched soyl; 'tis a fiery pit, in the centre of the 
earth. <£. Have they any light in hell? A. No. 
'Tis always dark ; there is always smoke there ; their 
eyes are always in pain with it ; they can see noth- 
ing but the devils. Q. What shaped things are the 
devils ? A. Very ill shaped things ; they go about 
with vizards on, and they terrify men. Q. What 
do they eat in hell? A. They are always hungry, 
but the damned feed on hot ashes and serpents there. 
Q. What water have they to drink ? A. Horid wa- 
ter, nothing but melted lead. Q. Don't they die in hell ? 
A. No : yet they eat one another, every day ; but 
anon, God restores and renews the man that was eat- 
en, as a cropt plant in a little time repullulates.' " 
" It seems they have not thought this divinity too 
gross for the barbarians. But I shall make no re- 
flections on it."f 

• Winthrop's Hist N. Eng. I, 138, 139. 
f See Magnalia, I, 521, 522. 



342 APPENDIX. 

XIII. MASSACRE OF THE CONESTOGOE INDIANS IJ! 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

An almost uninterrupted friendship seems to have 
existed between the Indians and the inhabitants of 
Pennsylvania, until the year 1754. At this period 
the French had stirred up the Indians in the back 
country, and an Indian war commenced. 

About ten years after that, when " many," says 
Mr. Proud, " who had been continually nocking into 
the province, in later years, having from their inex- 
perience and ignorance, too despicable an opinion 
of that people, and treating them accordingly, were 
by this conduct foolishly enraged against the who-Ie 
species indiscriminately ; insomuch, that in the lat 
ter part of the year 1763, calling to their aid the 
madness of the wildest enthusiasm, with which, un- 
der pretence of religion, certain most furious zealots 
among the preachers of a numerous sect, in the pro- 
vince, could inspire their hearers, to cover their bar- 
barity, a number of, not improperly named, armed 
demi-savages, inhabitants of Lancaster county, prin- 
cipally from the townships of Paxtang and Donnegal, 
and their neighbourhood, committed the most horri- 
ble massacre, that ever was heard of in this, or per- 
haps, any other province, with inpunity ! and under 
the notion of extirpating the heathen from the earth, 
as Joshua did of old, that these saints might possess 
the land alone," &c. Thus begins the narrative. 

" 'These Indians were the remains of a tribe of the 
Six Nations, settled at Conestogoe, and thence call- 
ed Conestogoe Indians. On the first arrival of the 
English in Pennsylvania, messengers from this tribe 
came to welcome them, with presents of venison, 
corn and skins ; and the whole tribe entered into a 
treaty of friendship with the first Proprietary, Will- 
iam Penn ; which was to last as long as t/ie sun 
should shine, or the waters run in the rivers 



APPENDIX. 

This treaty has been since frequently renewed, and 
the chain brightened, as they express it, from time to 
time. It has never been violated on their part, of 
ours, till now. As their lands, by degrees, were 
mostly purchased, and the settlement of the white 
people began to surround them, the Proprietor as- 
signed them lands on the manor of Conestogoe, 
which they might not part with ; there they have 
lived many years, in friendship with their white 
neighbours, who loved them for their peaceable, in- 
offensive behaviour. 

It has always been observed, that Indians, settled 
in the neighbourhood of white people, do not increase, 
but diminish continually. This tribe accordingly 
went on diminishing, till there remained in their 
town, on the manor, but twenty persons, namely, 
seven men, five women, and eight children, boys and 
girls. 

Of these, Shehaes was a very old man, having rs- 
sisted at the second treaty, held with them by Mr. 
Penn, in 1701 ; and ever since continued a faithful 
friend to the English ; he is said to have been an ex- 
ceeding good man, considering his education, being 
naturally of a most kind, benevolent temper. 

This little society continued the custom they had 
begun, when more numerous, of addressing every 
new Governour, and every descendant of the first 
Proprietary, welcoming him to tho province, assur- 
ing him of their fidelity, and praying a continuance 
of that favor and protection which they had hither- 
to experienced. They had accordingly sent up an 
address of this kind to our present Governour 
(John Penn, Esq.) on his arrival ; but the same 
was scarce delivered when the unfortunate catas- 
trophe happened which we are about to relate. 

On Wednesday, the 14th of December, 1763, fif- 
tyseven men from some of our frontier townships, 
who had projected the destruction of this little com- 
monwealth came all well mounted, and armed with 



344 APPENDIX. 

firelocks, hangers and hatchets, having travelled 
through the country in the night to Conestogoe ma- 
nor. There they surrounded the small village of In- 
dian huts, and just at break of day, broke in upon 
them all at once. Only three men, two women, and 
a young boy were found at home ; the rest being 
out among the neighbouring white people ; some to 
sell their baskets, brooms and bowls, they manufac- 
tured, and others, on other occasions. These poor 
defenceless creatures were immediately fired upon, 
stabbed and hatcheted to death ! 'The good She- 
haes, among the rest, cut to pieces in his bed ! All 
of them were scalped, and otherwise horribly mang- 
led. Then their huts were set on fire, and most of 
them burned down. 

The Magistrates of Lancaster sent out to collect 
the remaining Indians, brought them into the town, 
for their better security against any further attempt ; 
and, it is said, condoled with them on the misfortune, 
that had happened, took them by the hand, and 
promised them protection. 

They were put into the workhouse, a strong build- 
ing, as the place of greatest safety. 

These cruel men again assembled themselves ; 
and hearing that the remaining fourteen Indians 
were in the workhouse at Lancaster, they suddenly 
appeared before that town, on the twentyseventh of 
December. Fifty of them armed as before ; dis- 
mounting, went directly to the workhouse, and by 
violence broke open the door, and entered with the 
utmost fury in their countenances. When the poor 
wretches saw they had no protection nigh, nor could 
possibly escape, and being without the least wea- 
pon of defence, they divided their little families, the 
children clinging to their parents ; they fell on their 
faces, protested their innocence, declared their 
love to the English, and that, in their whole lives, 
they had never done them injury ; and in this pos- 
ture, they all received the hatchet'. Men, women 



APPENDIX. 345 

and children, were every one inhumanly murdered 
in cold blood ! 

The barbarous men, who committed the attrocioug 
fact, in defiance of government, of all laws, human 
and divine, and, to the eternal disgrace of their coun- 
try and colour, then mounted their horses, huzzaed 
in triumph, as if they had gained a victory, and rode 
off unmolested ! 

The bodies of the murdered were then brought 
out, and exposed in the street, till a hole could be 
made in the earth, to receive and cover them. But 
the wickedness cannot be covered, and the guilt will 
lie on the whole land, till justice is done on the mur- 
derers. The blood of the innocent will cry to heaven 
for vengeance. 

Notwithstanding the proclamations and endea- 
vours of the Governour on the occasion, the murder- 
ers having given out such threatenings against those 
that disapproved their proceedings, that the whole 
country seems to be in terror, and no one durst 
speak what he knows ; even the letters from thence 
are unsigned, in which any dislike is expressed of 
the rioters.'" 

Mr. Proud* adds to the above narrative, that, " So 
far had the infection spread, which caused this ac- 
tion, and so much had fear seized the minds of the 
people, or perhaps both, that neither the printer nor 
the writer of this publication, though supposed to be 
as nearly connected as Franklin and Hall were at 
that time, and men of the first character in their way, 
did not insert either their names, or places of abode, 
in it ! It was printed while the insurgents were pre- 
paring to advance towards Philadelphia ; or on their 
way thither ; it appeared to have some effect, in pre- 

* See his Hist. Pennsylvania, I, 326 to 323. [I would re- 
mind the reader, that no comparison should have been made, 
in note 2, to page 147, between the treatment of the Indians 
in Newengland, and Pennsylvania; for Mr. Makin wrote 
before any material difficulties had occurred in that pro- 
vince.] 



346 APPENDIX. 

venting the threatened consequences, by exciting an 
exertion of endeavours, in the citizens, for that pur- 
pose ; and being a relation of real facts, though writ 
in a hurry, it was never answered or contradicted.*" 

XV. TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS IN THE LATE WAR 

WITH ENGLAND. 

Before the declaration of war took place between 
America and Great Britain, the Indians along the 
frontiers, very much alarmed the inhabitants by their 
hostile appearance. 

The famous Indian warriour, Tecumseh, had been 
known for his enmity to civilization, and utter aver- 
sion to the white people, from the time of Harmer's 
defeat ; and, like the celebrated Philip, had extend- 
ed his endeavours, far and wide, among the various 
tribes of his countrymen, to unite them in making 
war on the Americans. His eloquence was irresista- 
ble, and his success was great. It is sufficient to 
observe, that the English had early engaged him in 
their cause. Much was also imposed on the ciedu- 
lity of those people by a brother of Tecumseh, who 
professed the spirit of prophecy, and the art of con- 
juration ; in the exercise of which, much was effect- 
ed. He was known by the name of " The Prophet." 

In 1811, Governour Harrison of Indiana, met a 
large number of chiefs at Vincennes, to confer about 
the state of affairs. Tecumseh appeared there, to 
remonstrate against the sale of certain lands, made 
by the Kickapoos and others. In a speech of great 
eloquence, he urged the wrongs of his countrymen, 
by the encroachments of the whites, of which he 
gave a faithful history. In the Governour's answer, 
he advanced something which Tecumseh thought, or 
perhaps knew to be wrong. At which he raised his 
tomahawk, and twenty or thirty others followed his 
example. But Harrison had taken the precaution to 
have a sufficient force at hand, which prevented any 
acts of violence. This broke up the conference, and 
war was soon expected to follow. 



APPENDIX. 347 

Battle of Tippecanoe. Toward the latter end of 
the year 1811, the appearance of the Indians was so 
alarming, that Gov. Harrison, with an army of about 
2000 men, marched into the Indian country. On 
arriving within a mile of the Prophet's town, they 
were met by a number of chiefs, who sued for peace, 
and begged for their lives. Harrison demanded the 
plunder taken from the Americans. It being near 
night, 6 November, they requested the army to 
encamp, and in the morning, they would accede to 
his proposals. The intrigue was mistrusted, and the 
Governour drew up his army in order of battle, and 
encamped for the night. About four o'clock their 
camp was attacked with great impetuosity, and the 
battle was for some time doubtful and bloody. But 
at length, the Indians were overpowered, and the 
victory was complete. About 300 of their war- 
riours strewed the ground of battle. The behaviour 
of the Americans, many of whom had never seen 
an engagement before, cannot be too much applaud- 
ed. When the battle began, each took his post 
without noise, and with calmness. Their loss in 
valuable officers was severe . They were these ; kill- 
ed, Col. Abraham Owens, the Governour's aid ; Col. 
Joseph H. Davies, a very eminent lawyer; Col. 
White, Capt. Warrick, Capt. Spencer, Lieut. Mc- 
Mahon, Lieut. Berry, and Capt. Bean. 

An Expedition against the Western Indians. — 
For the purpose of driving the hostile Indians out 
of the limits of the U. States, an expedition was 
on foot early in October, consisting of 4000 men un- 
der Gen. Hopkins. After relieving fort Harrison, 
above mentioned, he crossed the Wabash and en- 
camped but few miles distant. Here discontents 
were discovered among the soldiers, which very soon 
broke out into open disobedience of orders. This 
great army was composed of raw militia, of which lit- 
tle could be expected ; and, but for the assistance af- 
forded fort Harrison, the expedition would have been 



348 APPENDIX. 

rendered entirely abortive. A certain Major rode 
up to the General, and with great authority of ex- 
pression, commanded him to return. Seeing the 
state of his men, the General told them, that if 500 
would accompany him, he would proceed in quest 
of the enemy ; but not a man would turn out. He 
then requested them to let him have the direction 
for a single day ; to which they assented. He then 
put himself at their head, and ordered them to 
march; but they filed off in a contrary direction, 
and marched off to fort Harrison: and the General 
followed in the rear. At their encampment in a 
great prairie beyond the Wabash, the grass was dis- 
covered to be on fire, and driven by a fierce wind 
directly toward their camp. This was an Indian 
trap. But the Americans set fire to the grass about 
them, and Were thereby delivered from a formidable 
onset by the flames. The same officer, afterward 
performed a successful expedition against the In- 
dians. 

Affair of the river Raisin. Out of sympathy for 
the inhabitants of Frenchtown, who were threatened 
with an Indian massacre, an imprudent step was 
taken by the Americans. Gen. Winchester had ta- 
ken post at the rapids, when he received a pressing 
request from those inhabitants, for his protection. 
Accordingly, he despatched Col. Lewis with 300 
men for their relief. On his arrival, he found the 
Indians already in possession of the place, but he at- 
tacked them in their works, and drove them from the 
place, and encamped on the same ground. Two 
days after, 20 December, Gen. Winchester arrived 
with the main army. Their force now consisted of 
750 men. These operations went on without the 
knowledge of Gen. Harrison, the commander in chief, 
whose knowledge of the situation of the country, 
convinced him of their extreme danger. French- 
town is situated only 20 miles from Maiden, a strong 
British post, of a superiour force to the Americans, 



APPENDIX. 349 

and the intervening waters were covered with solid 
ice. It was also 70 miles from any American 
place, from whence they could expect supplies. 
Their situation did not escape the notice of the Brit* 
ish. Col. Proctor, with 600 English and above 
1000 Indians under the two Indian chiefs, Splitlog 
and Roundhead, appeared before their camp at day 
break, on the 22 January, 1813, and immediately 
began the attack. The Americans' works not being 
large enough to contain their small force, 150 were 
posted without. The numbers of the enemy enabled 
him to dispose of his force, as to cut off all means of 
retreat. The attack was first made on those without 
the fort, who were soon forced to give way. They 
fled across the river, and were pursued by the ene- 
my, and cut to pieces. One hundred men, in two 
companies, left the works, and went over to their as- 
sistance, and shared the same horrid fate. . General 
Winchester and Col. Lewis, in some manoeuvre, were 
taken prisoners. The little army now in possession 
of the pickets, maintained the unequal fight until 11 
of the clock, when Gen. Winchester capitulated for 
them. It was particularly stipulated that the wound- 
ed should be protected from the savages. The 
army still consisted of upwards of 500 men, and not 
until a flag had passed three times would they con- 
sent to surrender. But knowing their situation 
to be desperate, they consented under assurance 
from the British officer, that their lives and proper- 
ties should be protected. We shall now see, with 
what faith the semi barbarian, Proctor, acted. No 
sooner had this brave band submitted, than they saw 
what was to follow. The tomahawk and scalping 
knife were indiscriminately employed among the 
dead and wounded ; officer's side arms were wrest- 
ed from them, and many stript and robbed. About 
60 wounded Americans strewed the battle ground, 
who, by the kindness of the inhabitants were remov- 
ed into houses. But horrid to tell, the next day a 



350 APPENDIX. 

body of those savages were permitted to return, and 
after scalping and murdering to their content, set 
fire to the town, and all were buried beneath the 
conflagration, except a few that could travel, who 
were marched into the wilderness. 

Defence of fort Meigs. General Harrison had 
established his head quarters at Franklintown. previ- 
ous to the battle of the river Raisin, for the greater 
facility of transmitting orders, &c, to the different 
posts. After that atfair took place, he concentrated 
his forces, consisting of 1200 men, at the Rapids, 
and there threw up a fort, which, in honour of the 
Governour of Ohio, was called fort Meigs. The ene- 
my made their appearance about the 2S April, and 
soon after, began to construct batteries on the op- 
posite side of the river. But in this business they 
proceeded slowly, from the annoyance of fort Meigs, 
and were obliged to perform their labours in the 
night. They at length succeeded in erecting two 
batteries of heavy cannon, and a mortar. These be- 
gan furiously to play upon the American works, but 
were several times silenced. Proctor sent an inso- 
lent summons to Harrison, to surrender : he returned 
an answer according as it merited. The siege was 
continued, and the Indians from the tops of the trees 
fired into the fort and killed several men. General 
Harrison now received information, that two regi- 
ments from Ohio, which were expected, were near 
at hand. He despatched orders to their General 
for a party to attack the enemy's works at one point, 
while a party from the fort, should act simultaneous- 
ly on another part. Eight hundred men under Col. 
Dudley of the Ohio men, and another body under 
Col. Miller, were immediately in motion. Col. Dud- 
ley led his men up in the face of the enemy's cannon, 
and every battery was carried, almost in an instant, 
and the British and Indians fled with great precipi- 
tation. These fugitives were met by a large body of 
Indians under Gen. Tecumseh. This famous war- 



APPENDIX. ,5 J 

riour, expecting the Americans to pursue, formed an 
ambush, and waited their approach. Col. Dudley's 
men were so elated at their success, that they could 
not be restrained from pursuing the fugitives, although 
their Colonel used his utmost endeavours. They 
accordingly pressed on, and immediately found them- 
selves surrounded by the savages. Here another 
horrid slaughter followed ; but, different from that 
at Raisin, for Tecumseh interposed for the lives of 
those that surrendered, and not like Proctor, did he 
turn his back on those barbarities. He even laid a 
chief dead at his feet, for persisting in the massacre. 
About 650 men were killed and missing in this af- 
fair. The lamented Dudley was among the former. 
The party under Col. Miller, performed their part 
admirably, and after spiking the cannon, returned to 
camp with upwards of 40 prisoners. These opera- 
tions made the enemy relinquish his design, and he 
immediately drew off. The distinguished names of 
Croghan, Todd, Johnson, Sedgwick, Ritzen, Stod- 
dard, and Butler will live in the annals of their coun- 
try. The last mentioned was a son of Gen. Butler, 
who fell in St. Clair's defeat. 

Battle of the Moravian towns, and death of Te- 
cumseh. After the great naval victory on the lake, 
achieved by the American fleet, under the gallant 
Perry, Proctor abandoned Maiden, and took a posi- 
tion on the river Thames. His precipitate move- 
ments were displeasing to Tecumseh, who thought 
the situation of his brethren entirely disregarded, by 
their being left open to the Americans. In a speech 
to Proctor, he reprobates his conduct in very pointed 
terms. He says, "The war before this, [meaning the re* 
volution] our British father gave the hatchet to his red 
children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now 
<lead. In that war our father [the king] was thrown on 
his back by the Americans, and he afterward took 
them by the hand without our knowledge, and we are 
afraid he will do so again at this time. Listen, you 
told us to bring our families to this place, and we 



352 APPENDIX. 

did so. You promised to take care of them, and 
that they should want for nothing. Our ships have 
gone one way, and we are very much astonished to 
see our father [Proctor] tying up every thing, and 
preparing to run away the other. You always told 
us you never could draw your foot off British ground ; 
but now, father, we see you are drawing back with- 
out seeing the enemy. We must compare our fa- 
ther's conduct to a fat animal, that carries his tail on 
his back, but when affrighted, drops it between its 
legs and runs off." This though a few detached para- 
graphs, will serve to give some acquaintance with 
the great chief. Proctor, after considerable manoeu- 
vring, was unable to escape with all his baggage, 
being hard pressed by Harrison in every move up 
the Thames. At length the two armies met in the 
vicinity of the Moravian towns, 5 October 1813, and 
a fierce battle was fought. Tecumseh's Indians 
were in possession of a thick wood, who, with the 
British regulars, had formed their line of battle, on 
advantageous ground. Gen. Harrison, with his aids, 
Com. Perry, Capt. Butler, and Gen. Cass, led the 
front line, while Col. Johnson, with the mounted men, 
was ordered to charge at full speed, and break their 
line. They were immediately in motion, and though 
the horses recoiled on receiving the fire of the Brit- 
ish and Indians, yet, it was momentary, and their im- 
petuosity bore down all before them. The enemy's 
line was broken in an instant and Johnson's mount- 
ed men were formed on their rear, and poured in a 
tremendous fire upon them. The British officers 
finding it in vain to rally again at this point, surren- 
dered. A body of savages under Tecumseh, still 
disputed the ground, and Col. Johnson fell, in the 
thickest of the fight, almost covered with wounds. 
Tecumseh in person flew towards him, with his toma- 
hawk raised, to give him the fatal blow. Johnson, 
though faint from loss of blood, had strength to draw 
his pistol, and laid Tecumseh dead at his feet, 



APPENDIX. 35T. 

When the mighty chief fell, the Indians all left the 
giound. At another point, a division attempted to 
make an impression upon the American infantry, but 
the venerable Gov. Shelby (one of the heroes of 
King's mountain) supported them with another regi- 
ment, and the enemy were immediately routed. 
The hottest of the fight was where Tecumseh and 
Johnson fell. Thirty Indians and six Americans lay 
within a few yards of the spot. Proctor fled with 
great precipitation, but his carriage was taken with 
all his papers, and even his sword. Eight pieces of 
artillery were taken, six of which were brass. Three 
of these were trophies of the revolution, which were 
surrendered by Hull. The Americans had not above 
50 killed and wounded. Of the British 600 were ta- 
ken-prisoners, and 70 killed and wounded, and up- 
wanls of a hundred Indians were left on the field. 
Thus ended the Indian wars in the west. Their 
combination was now entirely broken up, and the 
frontier settlements, which for a long time had en- 
dured all the horrours of Indian barbarities, were, in 
some degree, liberated. 

23 

FINIS. 



3 



[355] 



INDEX. 



In the following Index, some explanations may be wanting, as it differs 
from works of this kind in general. All Indian names of places are given; 
but places having only an English name, are not given, unless they have 
been noted for some depredation, or having their situations described. 
And as every circumstance in a history may be found by an Index of pro* 
per names, it was thought needless to name them, as it only increases pro- 
lixity. 



A 

Acushnet 98. 

Adams' Hist. Neweng. 30, 32, 49, 68. 

Adams President John 151. 

Adams Samuel xii. 

Addington Isaac 157, 217, 251. 

Agamenticus 24. 

Agawom 89, 119, 144, 298. 

Agincourt battle 265. 

Akkompoin, Philip's uncle,killed 110. 

Albemarl Duke of 207. [238. 

Alden Cap. John 196, 197, 201, 228, 

Aldeu John 297. 

Alden William 226. 

Alderman 47, kills Philip 126. 

Alexander dies 18, 134, 148. 

Allen's Biog. Diet, xii, xiv, 24, 2S, 

31, 38, 133, 145, 150, '2, '6, 207' 
Allen Samuel 181. 
Allen Thomas 181. 
Allerton John 297. 
Allerton Mr. Isaac 297. 
Almy Cap. John 18, 40. 
Andover 220. 

Andros Ci. t ,. Elisha 194, 201, 204. 
Androscoggin 184, 186. 
Andros Sir Edmund 120, 150, 151 

152, 154, lu'4, 173, 250. 
Annawon xiv, 106, 124, 127, 129 

131, 132, 1*3, 134, 136, 137, ta 

ken 138, put to death 146. 
Annnawon's rock 136. 
Aponaganset 50, 51, 98, 100. 
Appleton Maj. Samuel 55, 57. 
Aquetneck 19. 
Arrowsike 163, 169, 327 
Arruhawikwabemt 324. 



Assawomr^c 27, 97. 
Asuhmequin 133,134,135,142. 
Aubert carries offnatives 287. 
Augur Lieut., killed 314. 
Awashonks 21 to 27, 57, 76 to 83 
85 to 92, 111. 

B. 

Baker Thomas 190. 
Baker Lieut., killed 275. 
Barlow's Columbiad iv, 46, 128. 

Barns 102. 

Barrow Sam 115, 119 

Baxter 49 

Bean Cap., killed 347. 

Beard , killed 313. 

Beers Cap., killed 54. 

Belcher Cap. Andrew 62, 253. 

Belcher Mr., wounded 33. 

Bellomont Gov. 250. 

Belknap's Amer. Biog. xv, 24, 32, 

134, 287, '8, '9, 293, '4, 299, 300. 
Belknap's Hist. N. H. xiii, 21, 152, 

161, 164, 186, 187, 203,259, 284, 

289, 315, 331. 
Bonnet Sergeant 57. 
Benython Cap. 311. 
Berry Lieut., killed 347. 
Bilhngton John 297. 
Blin Cap. 327. 
Bliss Mr. A. 136. 

Boad 226. 

Bomazeen 329, killed 330. 

Bourne Cap. 32S. 

Bowen Peter 337, 338. 

iBozman's Hist. 177. 

Bracket Cap. 166, 191, 224,236,'? 

[Bradford Maj. 30, 55, 64, 85, 96. 



356 



INDEX. 



Bradford Mr. Wm. 290, 294, 296, 

29.7, 300, 301, 302. 
Bradstreet Gov. 152, 157. 
Brator. Stephen 197. 
Brewster Mr. William 297. 
Bridgewater 25. 

Bridgway Jarman 228, 229, 230. 
B-itterige Richard 296, 297. 
Broclebank Cap., killed 70. 
Brookfield 53. 

Brown Cap. John 252, 281. 
Brown Mr. James 27, 29, 31. 
Brown Peter 297. 
Bulkley Gershom 62. 
Bull's garrison 57. 
Bump John 144. 
Butler Cap. 351, 352. 

c. 

CalePs Hist, witchcraft 196, 220. 
Canonchet 73, taken 107, killed 108. 
Canonicus, killed 104. 
Canton Corporal, taken 234. 
Carver Gov. John 133, 296, 297, 

298, dies 301, 302. 
Carver's Travels 21. 
Castine Baron De St. 152, 164, 165, 

176, 219, 226, 233, 261. 
Caughnewaga, 318. 
Cawley Robert 226, 228. 
Chamberlain John 334. 
Champlain Cap. 220. 
Chelmsford 64. 

Chesly 312. 

Chignecto 228, 282. 

Chilton James 297. 

Chubb Cap. 219, killed 220. 

Chubb Sergeant, killed 326. 

Church Benjamin xii. 

Church Deac. Benj. xii. 

Church Charles xii. 

Church Caleb xi, 197. [274, 281. 

Church Cap. Constant xi, 251, 257, 

Church Edward xii, 252, 281. 

Church Joseph xi. 

Church Thomas xi. 

Clark Cap. Wm. 253. 

Clark Gov. 153. 

Clark Lieut. 169. 

Clark Richard 297. 

Clark's garrison 72, 96. 

Clark's island 299. 

Clinton Hon. De Witt 68. 

Cocheco 161, 314. 

Coddington Gov. Wm. 38. 

Cole Col. B. 339, 340 

Cole Cap. James 252, 264, 281. 



Colman Dr. Benjamin iv. 

Conestogoe massacre 342 to 345. 

Conscience, taken 149. 

Contoocook 317, 337. ['7 '8 

Converse Cap. James 189, 192, 194, 

Cook Cap. John 252, '7, 274, 281. 

Cook Elisha 160. 

Cook Francis 297. 

Cook John 101. 

Cousins Isaac, killed 314. 

Crackston John 296, 297. 

Oanneld Gov. 186. 

Cranston Gov. John 38, 39, 52. 

Croghan Geo. 351. 

Cross , killed 314. 

Cudworth Maj. 30, 35, 36, 37. 
Curwin Jonathan 221. 
Cushnet 98. 

D. 

D'Aillebout 318. 

Danforth Gov. 156, 160, 166, • 

Dartmouth 50, 51. 

D'Aubri Nicholas 187. 

Davenport Cap., killed 58. 

Davies Col., killed 347. 

Davis Cap. Silvanus 160, 163. 

D'Caliers 320. 

Deborahuel 225. 

Deerfield 54, 243, 321. 

Demot, 187. 

Dennison Cap. 56, 64, 73, 107 

Dermer Cap. Thomas 301. 

D'Frontenac Count 224, 230. 

Dillano 101 to 105. 

D'Mantel 318. 
D'Monts 220. 
Doney 184, 185, 190. 
Dorey Edward 296, 297. 
Douglass' Hist. 42, 51, 52, 74, 98, 

142, 145, 245, 256, 259, 271, 277, 

284, 286. 
Drake Sir Francis 287 
Dubois 282, 284. 

Dudley Col , killed 351. [256, 285. 
Dudley Gov. Joseph 25*0, 251, 253, 
Dudley Thomas 152, 249. 
Dustan Mrs. Hannah 315 to 317. 
Dwight Dr. 146, 308. 
Dyer Cap. John 252, 281. 
D'Young 261. 

E. 

Earl Ralph 51, 52. 
Eaton Francis 297. 
Edee Seigeant 269. 
Edmunds Cap; 52, 176. 



INDEX. 



357 



Eels, Cap. 51, 52. 

Fliot, Rev. John, 21. 

Eliot Cap. John 326, 32? 

Eliot's Biog. Dictionary 28, 62, 145, 

150, 152, 179, 181, 207,216. 
Eilot Robert 206. 

Endecott Cap. 305, 306. [21. 

English, probable numbers of in 1675, 
English Thomas 297. 



Farmer and More's Collections xii 
103, 257, 296, 331, 335, 336, 338. 
Fallriver xv, 48. 
Fernald William 206. 
Fivenations 68. 
Fletcher Moses 296, 297. 
Fogland ferry 42. 
Forbes William 101, 209, 215. 
Forefathers' day 300. 
Forefathers' rock 300. 
Frontenac Gov. 224, 230. 
Frost Cap. 313. 
Frost Major 203, 206. 
Frye Cap. James 334. 
Fryer Cap. Nathaniel 203, 206. 
Frye Rev. Mr. 330, wounded 334. 
Fuller Cap. 36 to 39. 
Fullam Sergeant, killed 334. 
Fuller Edward 297. 
Fulier Mr. Samuel 297. 

G. 

Gage Gen. 290. 

Gallop Cap. killed 58. 

Gallop Cap. John 304, 305. 

Gardiner Cap. killed 58. 

Gardiner Richard 296. 

George 21, 79. [221 

Gidney Col. Bartholomew 196, 220, 

Giles Lieut. 271. 

Gill Mr 32,33. 

Goff General 54, 55. 

Golding Cap. 45, 46, 120, to 123. 

Gold island 43. 

Goodman John 297. 

Gorham Cap. John 221, 247, 252 

255, 262, 270, 273, 279, 281. 
Gorton Rev. Samuel 28, 104. 
Gosnold Bartholomew 287. 
Gourdan Mons. 260, 263, taken 265 

267, 268, 270, 283. 
Green island 257. 
Grenville Sir Richard 287. 
Grimstone 291. 

H. 

Hadley 108. 
Halifax fort 214. * 



Hall Car Nathaniel 156, 158, 170, 
Hammond William, killed 33. [171. 
Hancamagus 186. 
Hanno xv. 

Harman Cap. 326, 328, 329, 330 
Harradon Cap. John 256, 281. 
Harrison Gen. 346, 347, 350. 
Harris' Hist. Dorchester 178. 
Hatch Cap. 206. 
Hatfield 55. 
Havens Jack 86, 90. 
Hawkins 186, 187, 188, 194. 
Hawthorne John 161, 196, 221, 23§, 

239, 241, 242. 
Hazelton Charles 22, 
Henchman, Cap. 47, 52, 53. 
Hill Cap. 284. 

Hilton Maj. Winthrop, killed 257 

263, 270, 273, 274, 279, 261, 284. 

Kinkley Gov. Thomas 20, 153, 155, 

160, 180, 182. 
Holmes' Amer. Annals xii, 21, 34, 
49, 54, 55, 69, 70, 96, 108, 135, 
150, 152, 153, 177, 207, 270, 276, 
287, 289, 290, 294, 298. 
Honeywel Lieut. 203, 236. 
Hook Francis 206. 
Hopkins Gen. 347. 
Hopkins Mr. Stephen 94, 297. 
Hovvland Isaac 89, 90, 91, 114. 
Howland Jabez 88, 89, 114, 118, 127 

131, 143. 
Howland John 89, 114, 297. 
Hoyt's Researches 55, 68, 354. 
Hubbard's Narrative xiv, 20, 21, 22, 
27, 28, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 
43, 47, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 
63, 69, 73, 91, 106, 109, 110, 
112, 114, 117, 118, 124, 126, 
134, 139, 142, 144, 146, 148, 149, 
166, 196, 201, 209, 228, 303, 309, 
311, 314, 330. 
Hubbard Rev. Wm. xiv. 
Huckings Mrs. 187, 188. 
Hudibras 24. 
Hunt Cap. 28S, 289, 301. 
Hunter Cap. 49. 
Hutchinson Maj. 201. 
Hutchinson Cap. 36, 53. 
Hutchinson's History iii. xiii, xiv, 20, 
28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 36, 37, 49, 
50, 63, 68, 74, 96, 103, 120, 133 
134, 135, 145, 146, 154, 163, 177 
178, 220, 221, 228, 230, 238, 241, 
256, 265, 277 278, 2S1, 2S5, 29& 
296, 323. 
Hyrcania xv, 354. 



358 



INDEX. 



I. 

Iberville 219, 220. 
Ingersol Lieut. 314. 
Indian bridge 336, 337. 
Indians, number of in 1675, 20. 
Irish Mrs. xv. 
Iroquois 224. 

J. 
Jaques Lieut. 329. 
Jarvis Cap. 271. 
Jefleries 150. 
Johnson Cap killed 58. 
Jones Cap. 295. 

K. 

Keekamuit 34. 

Kennebeck 171. 

Keyes Solomon, wounded 333. 

Kickapoos 346. 

Kimball Thomas, killed 315. 

King Cap. 206. [xiii. 

King, no such dignity am^ng Indians 

Kirk Sir David 150. 

L. 

Lafaure 161, 258, 264. 

Lake 41. 

Lake Cap., killed 163. 

Lamb Cap. Joshua 252, 281. 

Lancaster 64, 259. 

Larking Cap. 236. 

Lateril Mr. 236. 

Lathrop Cap. Joseph 200. 

Lathrop Cap., killed 54. 

Lathrop John 181. 

Lee Abraham, killed 163. 

Lee Mrs. 163, 164. 

Lee Rev. Samuel xii, 199. 

Leister Edward 297. [152. 

Leverett Gov. John 52, dies 145, 

Lightfoot Cap. 100, 104, '5, 111. 167. 

Littleeyes 25, taken 99, 104. 

Littlefield Cap. John 200, 203. 

Lovewell Cap. John 330 to 336. 

M. 

Magnus Queen 103, 108. 
Makin Thomas xvi, 148, 346. 
Manhattans 303. 
Man sell Sir Robert 220. 
Malagash 327. 
Maquas 224. 
Maquoit 189, 206. 
March Cap. 206, 286. 
Margeson Edmund 296, 297. 
Marlborough 64, 65 
Marshall Cap., killed 58. 
Martin Mr. Christopher 297 



Martyn Richard 20t. 

Mason Cap. John 306, 307, 308. 

Mason Samuel 1G0. [301, 340. 

Massassoit xiii, 18, 94, 110, 133, 134, 

Mather's Magnalia xii, xiv, 20, 22, 
26, 47, 50,65, 126, 145, 169, 170, 
171, 176, 177, 179, 184, 187, 189, 
191, 192, 202, 206, 207, 210, 213, 
220, 240, 241, 315, 317, 339, 341. 

Mattapoiset 32, 105. 

Mattatoag 104. 

Maxfield Mr. 179. 

Mayflower, a ship 294. 

Mayr point 191. 

Medfield 64. 

Mems 231, taken 274. 

Menival Gov. 278. 

Merrymeeting bay 325. 

Metacomet xiii. 

Middleborough 51, 65, 93. 

Miles Rev. John 31, 32. 

Minot's Hist. 214. 

Mogg, killed 330. 

Mohawks 54, 68, 142, 224. 

Mohegans 17. 

Mouhegan 222. 

Monogenest 233. 

Mooanam 134. 

Monopoide 107. 

Montinicus 161, 255. 

Montreal 224, 320. 

Morse and Parish's Hist. Neweng- 
land 124, 339, 340. 

Morse's Annals 31, 124, 126, 138. 

Morton's Memorial xiii, 23, 27, 28, 
30, 89, 133, 184, 154, 249,251, 
289, 295, 296, 298, 299, 301. 

Morton Thomas 23, 24. 

Mosely Cap. Samuel 56, 57. 

Mossipee 184, 283. 

Moulton Cap. 326, 328, 329, 330. 

Mounthope 22. 

Mullins Mr. William 297. 

Munponset 94, 95. 

Myrick Cap. Isaac 252, 264, 281. 

N. 

Namskeket 299. [108. 

Nanunttenoo, taken 107, put to death 
Narragansets xiii, 17, 18, number of 

in 1675, 20, 36, 54. 
Naskeag 236, 252. 
Nathaniel 129, 130, 131. 
Nauset 299. 

Neff Miss Mary 315, 316, 317 
Nemasket 96. 
Netops 67, 91. 
Newengland tfift 284. 



INDEX. 



359 



Newich wan nock 813. 
Nicholson Col. 185, 273, 317. 
Nihantick 307. 
Ninigret 104, 108. 
Nipmucks 53, 65, 69. 
Nipnet 91. j 

Nomquid 85. 
Norridgwock 237, 329. 
Northfield 54. 

Norton Cap., kitted 303, 304. 
Nunnaquahquat 39. 
Nunnuit Peter 27, 57. 

o. 

Oldham Mr. John, killed 303, 304,'5, 

Omens 20, 126. 

Osamekin 340. 

Otis James xii. 

Owens Col., killed 347, 

P. 
Paine Lieut. John 223. 
Passammaquoddy 236. 
Patuxet 52. 
Paugus, killed 334. 
Pawcatuck river 307. 
Peasfield battle 37 to 46. 
Pejepscot 179, 184, 190, 206. 
Pemmaquid 209, 210, 219. 
Penn Gov. John 343. 
Pepn Gov. William 342. 
Penhallow's Hist, vii, 184, 1S5, 203, 

256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 275,1 

277, 284, 324, 325, 330, 332, 333. 
Pennacook 161, 186. 
Peperel Mr. 254. 
Pequots 17, war with 302. 
Perpodack 192. 
Peter 57, 77, 84, 88, 124, 
Philip King xiii, origin of his name 

18, killed 123. 
Philips Gov. 326. 
Phillips' garrison 311. 
Phips Sir Wm. 152, 154, 163, 175, 

177, 20T, 208, 212, 214, 216, 234, 

278 339 
Pierce Cap! 64, killed 72. 
Pigwocket 161, 331. 
Pike Maj. Robert 182, 183, 184, 203. 
Pitkin Wm. 160. 
Plaisted Lieut. 203. 
Plaisted Roger 196, killed 313. 
Plumcr Col. Daniel ?57. 
Plumer Gov. Wm. 203. 
Plymouth 17, 65. 
Pocasset 19, 27. 
Pokanoket xiii, 18, 22, 29. 
Popham Sir John 171. 



Poppasquash 127 129. 

Potock 63. 

Prentice Cap. Thomas 32, 56, SO. 

Prince Gov. IS, 339. 

Prince's Chronology vii, xiii, 24, 94, 

135, 289, 294, 296., 
Pring Martin 288. 
Proud's Hist, xvi, 148, 342, 345. 
Providence 64. 
Pumham, killed 56, 63, 104. 
Punkatees battle 37 to 46. 
Purchase Mr. 300. 

a 

Quabaog 53, 118. 
Quadequinah 110. 
Quaucut 39. 
Quebeck 177, 234. 
Qunnapin 103, 104, 111. 

R. 

Ralegh Sir Walter 287, 293. 
Ralle Sebastian 325, 329, killed 330 
Ramsdel Joseph 194. 
Rehoboth 36, 64. 
Ridgdale John 296, 297. 
Robertson's Hist. Amer. xv. 30$ 
Robins Lieut., killed 334. 

Robinson Mr. , killed 312» 

Robinson John 326, 327. 
Robinson Rev. John 290. 
Rogers Cap. Geo. 256, 257, 231 
Rogers Thos. 297. 
Rouville 321, 322. 
Rowlandson Mrs. 103. 
Russel's garrison 51. 

Sabatis 337, killed 338. 
Sabin 87. 
Sachueeset 85. 
Sagadahock 171,201. 
Samoset 801. 

Sandford Maj. 102, 120, 12L 
Sassacus, killed 308. 
Sassamon 19, 21, 27. 
Savage Ensign 34. 
Savage Maj. 35, 36. 
Scattacook 68, 320. 
Schenactada 318. 
Schuyler Maj. 319, 321. 
Scituate 65. 
Sconticut 104. 

Scottaway Cap. 172, 173, 175. 
Shanelere, killed 235. 
Sharkee Mons. 260, '7, '9, 282. 
Sharp Lieut., killed 70. 
Shawomet 56. 



360 



INDEX 



Sherbtirn Cap. 20S. 

Siely Cap., killed 58. 

Siene, a shin 271. 

Signecto 228, 282. 

Sippican 89, 106, 143. 

Sixnations G8, 320. 

Skakit 29.0. 

Smallpox 178, 195. 

Smith Cap. John 222, 288, 301. 

Smith Cap; Thos. 256, '7,281. 

Smith Maj. 56, 62. [224, 319 

Smith's Hist. Newyork xiii, 68, 180 

Smithson Cap. 228. 

Snow's Hist. Boston 145, 178. 

Sogkonate ix, 19. 

Sogkonesset 74. 

SDule George 297. [281, 327 

Southack Cap. Cyprian 238, 255 

Southworth Nath. 89, 170, 192, 193 

Speedwell, a ship 294. 

Squakeag 54. 

Squando 309. 

Squannaconk 124, 132, 136. 

Squanto 301. 

Standish Cap. 134, 297. 

Stone Cap. 303, 304. 

Stoughton Gov. Wm. 216. 

Subercase Gov. 276. 

Sudbury 65, 69, 70. 

Sullivan's Hist. Maine 160, 163, 164, 

'6, % 171, '6, '9, 180, '7, '9, 190, 

% % 214, 222, '3, '6, 236,'7,311. 
T. 
Taconnet 214, 328. 
Talcot Maj. 108, 117, '8. 
Tecumseh 346, 350, '1, killed 352. 
Tillev Edward 296, 297. 
Tilley John 296, 297. 
Tinker Thomas 297. 
Tippecanoe battle 347. [death 146. 
Tisp'aquin 96, 115, 142, '4, put to 
Tockamona 111. 
Totoson 115, '16, '18, '19. 
Treat Maj. Robert 54, 64. 
Trumbull's Hist. U. S. xiii, 20, 29, 

50, 68, 141, 319, 320, 330. 
Trumbull's Hist. Con. 29, 37, 38, 50, 

5 6. 62, 63, 73, 103, '8, 126, 200, 
Tmsset 339. [303, : 7. 

Turner Cap. 68, '9, 305. 
Turner John 297. 
Tyasks 106, 124. 

Umpame 23. 
Uncas, killed 306. 
Underhill Cap. 305, 307. 



V. 

Vaughan Maj. 203, 206 
Vaudreuil Gov. 259, 285, 321,323. 
Villcau Cap. 239. 
Villebon 192, 231, '4, '5, 241. 
Virginia, ancient limits of 293, 294 

w. 

Wachiiset 69, 80. 

Wadsworth Cap., killed 70. 

Waldron Maj. 161, killed 162. 

Wallaston Cap. 24. 

Walley John 160, 177, 207, 215. 

Walton Cap. 184, '5, 203, '6, J 24. 

Wamesit 64. 

Wampanoags xiii, 48. 

Wampom, value of 141, '2. 

Wamsutta 134. 

Warren Mr. Richard 297. 

Warwick 56, 63, 64. 

Weetamore 27, 32,47,'8, 50, '7, 10& 

Wepoiset 87. 

Wequash 307. 

Wessagusset 24. 

Weymouth 64. 

Wheelwright Esq. John 2C0, '3. 

White Mr. Wm. 297. 

Wilcox Daniel 17. 

Willard Cap. Simon 156, 158. 

Willard Maj. 54. 

Williams Cap. 122. 

Williams' Hist. Vermont 321, »3. 

Williamson Cap. Caleb 252, 281. 

Williamson's Hist. N. Car. 68. 

Williams Rev. John 284, 321, '3. 

Williams Rev. Roger 28, 68. 

W illiams Thomas 297. 

Wincol John 206, 314. 

Winepang 326. 

Winnipissaukee 325. 

Winslow Gilbert 297. 

Winslow Hon. Josiah 26, 30,52, 

55, 56, 64, 93, 147. 
Winslow Josiah 328. 
Winslow Mr. Edward 26, 94, 133, 

134, 147, 297, 302, 340. 
Winthrop Gov. John 52. 
Winthrop's Hist. Neweng. 24," 91, 

96, 104, 145, 203, 303, 341. 
Wisememet, killed 330. 
Witchcraft 156, 196, 216, 238, 241, 
Woosamequin 133, 134. 
Wor umbos 186, 187, '0 '94 
Wyman Seth 332, '4. 

Y. 

York Joseph 223, 226. 



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